New Cabinet, Old Concerns

Prime Minister Hassan Kheyre, in consultation with President Mohamed Farmajo, nominated his bloated cabinet of 62 members this week. In fairness, the cabinet has aspects that are both commendable and promising, but it also raises some old concerns about politics in Somalia.

There are new ministers that hopefully will energize the new government and perhaps bring fresh ideas to the table. The appointment of Abdi Hosh Jibril as constitutional minister is a plus for the new government. It shows that the government is committed to reviewing the provisional constitution, a dormant document since its adoption in 2012. Hosh was the minister of constitutional affairs during its initial debate and approval. His appointment gives hope that the unfinished business of this important document will be completed.

Moreover, as a former legislator from 2012 to 2016, Hosh, along with Abdullahi Godax Barre, played roles in the defeat of former president Hassan S. Mohamoud (HSM) during the recent presidential elections. Hosh was initially an ally of HSM, but he remedied his earlier blemishes by turning against him. His relentless campaign to expose HSM’s corruption in addition to his working behind the scenes with the newly installed parliament not to select the former president were heroic. Farmajo benefitted from Hosh’s tireless work, and he ultimately was selected as president.

The new cabinet has some new, bright faces such as Dr. Fawsia Abikar Nur as health minister. She has a doctorate in public health education from Italy and, from what I have heard about her, is an intelligent woman with great leadership skills. It is ironic that a few male legislators from her clan (Hawiye-Gaal Jecel) have complained to Farmajo and Kheyre for selecting “a woman instead of a man” from their community. Kudos to the prime minster for this bold selection and for defying these male anachronistic chauvinists. Fowsia has a huge task before her as she must tackle the prevalence of unregulated medicine (many expired) in the country and the spread of so-called pharmacies in every neighborhood in Mogadishu. The establishment of a medical board to certify doctors, nurses, hospitals, clinics, and the importation of medicine is a gargantuan job.

 However, Farmajo and Kheyre nominated six female ministers out of 27 (22%); no female state ministers out of 15, and only two women out of 20 deputy ministers (4%). This low representation of women in the cabinet is embarrassing for the new government and demonstrates sheer regression for the progress the country has made over the last few years. In short, it is a black mark for the new government.

The preponderance of legislators in the new cabinet (11 ministers, nine state ministers, and 17 deputy ministers) is a major concern. It erodes the function of parliament to check and balance the executive branch. Perhaps, these newly appointed ministers, in the interest of accountability and the appearance of conflict of interest, should resign from parliament.  

A major concern of the new cabinet is that it reeks from the influence of Sharif Hassan, the controversial leader of the South West (SW) state. The Digil/Mirifle cabinet members in the new cabinet unfortunately have few qualifications as they were essentially chosen by Sharif Hassan and his nephew, Mohamed Mursal. They are all allies of the South West leader and Mursal’s wife, Samro Ibrahim Omar, a new legislator, is now also a deputy minister.

How did Sharif Hassan succeed in having his friends in the cabinet?  He and Speaker Jawari are in collusion in presenting Digil/Mirifle figures to the president and the prime minister. Simply put, Jawari has abdicated his responsibility to challenge Sharif Hassan as the leader of Digil/Mirifle. Jawari has informed some legislators from the SW that he has tried to submit his own list of potential cabinet ministers from the South West but was rejected. Unfortunately, for the last four years, Jawari as the speaker, has failed to hold hearings to question leaders of the executive branch on a multitude of issues such as allegations of graft, holding them accountable for their actions, and completing the work on the provisional constitution. The latest move by Sharif Hassan to outmaneuver the speaker is not a surprise. To his credit, Sharif Hassan has found a new niche for exploiting his influence with President Farmajo and Prime Minister Kheyre: blood ties to the two men as his wife is a Murursade.

Overall, the new cabinet has good and bad components. As an early critic of the president and the prime minister during the height of “Farmajo mania,” I am cautiously optimistic that it will be approved by the parliament despite its serious flaws. There is a growing dissension among certain groups in Mogadishu that have vowed to derail the new cabinet. The country can’t afford another political gridlock at this juncture when there is a lot to be done.

Ibrahim Dheere and Ethiopia: Seven Years Later

In 1948, the British colonial government handed over a region overwhelmingly populated by Somalis to the then emperor of Ethiopia, Haile Selassie. When Somalia became independent in 1960, almost every successive government established its cornerstone foreign policy by uniting all Somalis, including those in Ethiopia, under one flag. Over the years, various uprisings occurred and armed groups emerged fighting for the liberation of what Somalis call “Western Somalia” and the Ethiopians call “the Somali region in Ethiopia.”

Among the armed groups was a small religious group of insurgents called the United Western Somali Liberation Front (UWSLF) led by Ibrahim Hussein “Ibrahim Dheere,” a cleric who had graduated from the Islamic University in Medina, Saudi Arabia. Before taking the leadership of the group, Ibrahim was an imam in Seattle in the United States and was instrumental in co-founding of the Islamic Organization for Somali Imams. In 2005, Ibrahim was arrested and indicted by the American authorities for immigration fraud. Putting false statements on his immigration paperwork was not the only reason for his incarceration; he was arrested on suspicion of terrorism activities. He was subsequently deported to Kenya and later left for Mogadishu where he joined the Union of the Islamic Courts (UIC), which was then ruling Mogadishu. After invading Ethiopian forces ousted the UIC, Ibrahim returned to Kenya and became a prominent figure in the United Western Somali Liberation Front.

David Rubincam, a retired American law enforcement agent, told a Seattle TV channel in 2014 that Ibrahim, whose real name he claimed was “Mohamed Ibrahim,” was “an extremist religious zealot of the worst kind” who had been trained in Saudi Arabia as a religious scholar.  According to Rubincam, Ibrahim was in the U.S. “to raise money through the Hawala system of money transfer to fund them [terror groups] overseas and to recruit people to their cause to actually go back to Somalia to take up arms.”

Rubincam was elated that the government had used the immigration court to expel Ibrahim rather than charging him with providing material support to terror groups. Many Muslim activists, who were allegedly involved in terrorism, ended up being deported from America due to immigration violations. Rubincam added, “The best thing is to get [Ibrahim] off our soil and get him out of here and never let him come back…I am 100 percent sure [that he is] a national security threat to the United States of America or to any country in which he resides.”

Sleeping with the “enemy”

In 2010, Ibrahim Dheere signed a peace treaty with Ethiopia, which was then led by Meles Zenawi. It was the same government the cleric had excoriated for being a colonial state, the enemy of the Somali people, and a major entity responsible for the destruction of Somalia. Ibrahim’s group was part Islamist in the Salafi persuasion and part nationalist. It was not a secret that the group was a natural extension of Somalia’s old Al-Itihad Islamic group. The UWSLF was small in number and had engaged in bombings and killings in the Somali region under the Ethiopian occupation.

Ibrahim justified his move by his desire to seek a peaceful resolution with Ethiopia and to focus on spreading Islamic teachings in the Somali region. He told an Al Jazeera TV interviewer both parties thought a peaceful resolution was better than armed conflict. In another interview, he boasted about getting hundreds of phone calls from Somali religious clerics congratulating him for signing the treaty.  

The Ethiopian Government’s goals were clear: It wanted to disarm the small militant group, co-opt it, and send a message to other liberation movements such as the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) to negotiate and show Somalis the futility of armed struggle in general. When journalists asked PM Zenawi about the treaty, he was quick to denigrate the UWSLF. “They are a small group and they had gotten tired of fighting,” he said. If Zenawi’s putdown of the UWSLF bothered Ibrahim, he did not show it to one BBC interviewer. “Don’t believe what is being said in the press,” he said.

After debriefing Ibrahim and his colleagues, the Ethiopian Government gave them general amnesty, houses for the leaders, and a huge plot of land to farm in the agriculturally rich region of Goday. Taking cues from his bosses in Addis Ababa, the president of the Somali region, Abdi M. Omar “Abdi Iley”, welcomed Ibrahim and his colleagues in Jigjiga to celebrate the signing of the treaty. Ibrahim and his cronies released white doves to signify peace. Men and women sang and danced for the occasion.

That was in 2010.

Seven years later, there is little for Ibrahim to show in terms of his group’s accomplishments. He is currently a graduate student in Malaysia studying languages and is far from Jigjiga, a city to which he may not return. His honeymoon with Abdi Iley turned sour. The Ethiopian Government no longer has any use for Ibrahim, but it did instruct Abdi Iley to reconcile with him. Ibrahim went to Jigjiga and stayed in a hotel. After waiting for a while, Abdi Iley sent two members of the Liyu Police—who were former fighters with the USWLF—to interrogate their former leader. Ibrahim refused to answer any of their questions, and one of them, according to a reliable source, physically attacked him and would have killed him had the other police officer not intervened. Was it the classic case of good cop, bad cop? It is difficult to say, but one thing is clear: Abdi Iley wanted to humiliate Ibrahim and he succeeded. Shortly afterwards, Ibrahim returned to Addis Ababa.

Meddling in regional politics  

What happened between Ibrahim and Abdi Iley?

Some prominent members of the Ethiopian Government, including Prime Minister Desalgam Mariam, tried to replace Abdi Iley, but failed. Ibrahim and his colleagues were reportedly involved in the plot, especially his deputy, Ahmed Nashad. Abdi Iley’s attempted demotion failed because some of the leading Tigrey leaders—among them Aseb Misfin, the widow of the late PM Zenawi, lobbied hard to retain Abdi Iley.

Sources close to Ibrahim Dheere adamantly deny that the cleric was personally involved in the conspiracy. If that is the case, critics say, being oblivious to what his colleagues were doing shows poor leadership skills. Some of his supporters told this writer of their disappointment with Ibrahim for several reasons. First, he continued living in Kuwait after signing the treaty with the government. Second, he has been absent from the political scene for the past few years even though the country is going through major political upheavals. Third, Ibrahim and his group failed to capitalize on the political and economic opportunities given to them. One supporter said it was mindboggling that the group failed to farm the big plot they were granted until the land fell into disrepute. Fourth, Ibrahim failed to articulate his vision after signing the treaty. It is not clear what the group wanted to accomplish or how. Fifth, Ibrahim’s proclamations of spreading Islamic teachings in the region backfired after his fallout with Abdi Iley. Today, the group has almost no presence in the region. Moreover, Abdi Iley courted Ibrahim’s rivals among the Sufis when he appointed the son of famous “saint” Nur Kaldhayare as chief of the courts in that region. The appointment was a slap in the face to Ibrahim and his followers. The Sufis, one source told me, “are returning to the political scene after many years in the periphery.”

Political views

Ibrahim is more interested in political activism and fundraising than one typically finds in a Salafi cleric. To him, money is crucial for achieving political objectives. Most Salafis focus on speaking about issues of faith, and many have an aversion to all things political. Not Ibrahim, who is politically oriented. Interestingly, he has a unique perspective in combining religious sermons in mosques with spearheading comprehensive educational and health services as part of change. He is critical of clerics who spend all their time teaching religion and pay no attention to establishing schools and clinics.

Ibrahim was popular in the Salafi-controlled Islamic centers in the U.S. for his religious and political lectures, especially his presentations on the history of the Horn of Africa. These lectures, some of which are available on YouTube, are hair-raising. He had a penchant for making unsubstantiated generalizations. He would summarize an entire decade of Somali history in one word. The Somali civilian government’s era (1960-1969) was a time of “democracy,” the military regime that followed (1969-1991) was the age of “communism,” and the period thereafter was one of “tribalism.”

 Ibrahim’s political views are as hollow as his solutions for rebuilding the Somali nation. For instance, the Somali Youth League (SYL), which fought for and led the independence movement, was “merely a product of European colonialism.” These nationalist leaders, Ibrahim argued, introduced Somalia to new Westernized concepts that are utterly “anti-Islamic,” such as “gobonimodoon” (freedom fighting), “waddani” (nationalist), “loyalty to the country,” democracy, and even the concept of “paying taxes.” The 1960 Somali constitution, he said, planted seeds for the secularism from which the country is still reeling. Ibrahim’s solution is for Somalis in the diaspora to elect a committee and hold a “national conference for salvaging Somalia” led by none other than the “ulema” (clerics).

An aborted interview

In a nutshell, I tried to interview Ibrahim and was able to talk to him briefly twice over the phone. He was not pleased when I asked him if he was indeed a student in Malaysia, a fact he had shared with an Al Jazeera TV anchorwoman. “Move on,” he said. Then, he grilled me to establish whether I favored the treaty he had signed with Ethiopia or was against it. He also wanted to know if Wardheernews, the website I write for, is for or against the treaty. I was surprised by his paranoid line of questioning and told him I only wanted his side of the story regarding the treaty. Then he asked me to send him all of my questions in writing, which I did the same day. That was November 4, 2016, and he has yet to respond to my inquiries. My goal was to know what his treaty with Ethiopia has accomplished after seven years and what the challenges were. Unfortunately, Ibrahim chose not to answer. History will tell.

Farmajo's Farce

The appointment of Hassan Kheyre as Somalia’s new prime minister by the country’s president, Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajo, has sent shockwaves through the country, leaving many political commentators bemused and the public surprised.

There are many reasons for this reaction, not least of which is that fact that Kheyre, a Norwegian citizen, was an ally of President Hassan S. Mohamoud (HSM) and campaigned for him, despite well-placed rumors that he contributed financially to Farmajo’s campaign. Like many “astute” politicians, Kheyre’s duplicitous support for the two rivals for presidency clearly shows that either result would be a win-win situation for him. But the real brain teaser here is why Farmajo appointed Kheyre as his premier, knowing that the latter had campaigned openly for HSM. HSM even tried to nominate Kheyre for an IGAD job, but Ethiopia and Kenya rejected him after a UN monitoring group had accused him of graft.

It is extraordinary that Kheyre has been appointed to such a high office in government, not only in light of the investigation into his affairs by the UN Monitoring Group for Somalia and Eritrea, but also because of the serious allegations levelled against him regarding corruption and alleged ties with Al-Shabaab. While the UN Monitoring Group is not a prosecutorial entity, these allegations warrant an independent investigation. It would have been prudent for Farmajo, widely hailed as an anti-corruption candidate, to select someone else not tainted by allegations of corruption. Some Somalis are alarmed by Farmajo’s choice of Kheyre because they had such high expectations of him naming a non-controversial figure.

Kheyre has no government experience. He has carried out extensive humanitarian work and is known to be smart and engaging. His detractors, however, say he is what Somalis call “nin fudud” (a man given to rash decisions). Some people who have met him have appraised him in positive terms, while others have expressed concern about his lack of experience for taking the helm of government. It is the same old story of on the job training we have been accustomed to in Somali politics; figures such as former presidents HSM and Sheikh Sharif and former prime ministers such as Abdi Shirdon, Abdiweli Sheikh, and Farmajo himself—in his first stint as a premier in 2010—being placed in leadership positions. The country, it seems, is always trying to reinvent the wheel.

Kheyre’s appointment came as a surprise as he belongs to a sub-clan (Murursade) of Hawiye that has historically never held either the presidency or the premiership. A group of Hawiye traditional leaders met Farmajo recently and implored him to appoint a Hawiye—any Hawiye—as his prime minister. However, a Somali politician, a Murusade, called me one week before Kheyre’s appointment to tell me an odd story. He said the Murursade chieftain and elders met with Farmajo separately and pleaded with him to appoint a Murursade premier. “For 30 years, no member of our clan has represented our country as president or prime minister,” the elders lamented.

When I heard Kheyre had been appointed premier, I dismissed it as a joke. I thought Farmajo would appoint the usual suspects: either Abgaal or Habar Gidir. For once, I even thought he might appoint Abdinur Mohamed (Hawadle), who had once served as Education Minister under Farmajo. According to sources, Abdinur had secretly, but vigorously, campaigned to get the top job. In the end, Farmajo, whose wife is a Murursade, defied political convention and appointed a Murursade premier. There are reports that Kheyre is also married to a woman from Farmajo’s clan. Clan politics are never far from major government appointments.

Fahad Yasin Factor

Fahad Yasin Haji Dahir, a former employee of al-Jazeera, is a political operative who is closely allied with Farmajo and currently wields unusual power in his transition. Did Fahad bring loads of money from the Gulf countries to Farmajo’s presidential campaign? On July, 2013, the UN Monitoring Group accused Fahad and Abdi Aynte, also a former employee of al-Jazeera, of bringing millions of dollars from Qatar for then-candidate HSM “which was used to buy off political support.”

Fahad was once an ally of HSM until the two had a disagreement over Farmajo. In 2013, Fahad earnestly tried to persuade President HSM to appoint Farmajo as premier. HSM agreed, but at the 11^th hour, he changed his mind and instead appointed Abdiweli S. Ahmed. It was widely believed Farah Abdulkadir (Fahad’s uncle and then influential presidential advisor) had blocked Farmajo’s appointment. Fahad was so disappointed with HSM that their relationship soured.

Now Fahad is back on the political scene with verve. He and Dahir Ghelle, Somalia’s ambassador to Saudi Arabia, were instrumental in Farmajo’s first foreign trip to Saudi Arabia. There is a fear that Fahad Yasin will be another Farah Abdulkadir-type politician, a Rasputin-like figure capable of influencing the new Farmajo Government.

It is likely that Somalia’s parliament will approve Kheyre’s appointment. The chance of the legislature holding exhaustive hearings about Kheyre and his past business dealings is slim. Farmajo will have his nominee approved. The question then will be what type of cabinet Kheyre will nominate. Will they be the same old faces we have seen in HSM’s failed government? Will the new ministers be as inexperienced as the new premier? There is concern that HSM, despite being defeated in the presidential elections, will wield some power in the new government. If that is the case, an old Somali proverb will once again find credence: “Ayax teg eelna reep” (The locust flew away, but it left hardship).  

President Farmajo: Between Hope and Reality

This week, Somalia elected a new president, Mohamed Abdullahi “Farmajo,” an event that marked the second time in recent history an incumbent president lost the election. It happened in 2012 and again in 2017, just like Donald Trump’s surprise win, Farmajo’s election was unexpected, and it upended my prediction that the incumbent, Hassan S. Mohamoud (HSM), would be returned to power.

Mohamoud’s defeat was actually a blessing; the man was corrupt and incompetent. Moreover, HSM and his Dammul Jadid coterie of followers, grabbed more power than they could handle, and they will not be missed.

Now the new president has his hands full. He inherits a government that has plundered public funds, failed to pay the salaries of civil servants and the army, and was unable to maintain security.

Farmajo is a politician with a clean slate. He was prime minister in 2010 for eight months. Prior to that, he had a few years’ experience in the Foreign Service and then spent some time working for the State of New York in Buffalo as a housing specialist. His eight months as prime minister were neither remarkable nor disastrous. He was forced out of office after clashing with the then Speaker, Sharif Hassan. In short, Farmajo was outwitted and outmaneuvered by the Speaker until he was forced out of office.

Scattered protests supporting Farmajo, the beleaguered premier, were held in Mogadishu, but he opted to resign. According to some reports, the Ugandan President, Yuweri Moseveni, whose soldiers were protecting the Somali leaders in Mogadishu, told Farmajo the African soldiers would not guarantee his safety if he stayed in office. Unfortunately, some Somalis viewed his resignation in a decidedly negative light and branded him a quitter.

Farmajo fared poorly in the 2012 presidential elections failing to garner enough votes even from his clansmen. In fact, it was the newcomer, HSM, who stole the limelight, thrashing Sharif Ahmed, who was expected to win the election. Farmajo was still coming to terms with his crushing loss when he decided to return to his old desk job in Buffalo. His political career briefly stagnated and he took stock of his political future.

Farmajo’s comeback is a testament to his doggedness and commitment to redeem himself. Now he has been given a second chance in Villa Somalia, the seat of the government. He is enjoying remarkable support in the streets of Mogadishu, where he remains popular. Somalis have a history of lionizing their new presidents initially, and later vilifying them for poor performance. Farmajo is unlikely to be an exception. The pervasive euphoria in the streets of Mogadishu today will be numbered as Farmajo delves into the perilous task of governing a failed state.

There is a good chance that Farmajo will attempt to drain the swamp in Mogadishu and restore clean, transparent governance. He is uniquely qualified to start a reconciliation process as he is remarkably popular in the south, where his wife, Seynab Abdi Moalim Abdalla, hails from. Farmajo’s detractors are concerned he is a populist, an incorrigible showman who sometimes resorts to hyperbolic language. He is at best a “nice” politician, they say, in a rather cutthroat profession. His detractors see him a man who lacks substance, but he now has the perfect opportunity to prove them wrong. His supporters regard him as an interesting leader with tremendous positive energy; a man of the people, by the people, and for the people.

It is not clear how Jubbaland and Puntland would react to Farmajo’s presidency. Puntland is led by Abdiweli Gass, an old nemesis of Farmajo, who gave Gass a cabinet portfolio only to see the latter replace his boss as premier. The relationship was never the same afterwards as it plummeted to new depths. The once good friends back in Buffalo are no longer on speaking terms. Hopefully, they will set aside their personal and political animus and work toward the welfare of the country.

Jubbaland’s case is different and murkier because that region has been a political battleground between the Ogaden clan and Marehan, Farmajo’s clan. Clan politics in Somalia have a way of keeping national leaders on a downward trajectory.  

Here are some recommendations for the new president:

1.     Appoint a competent prime minister who will name equally qualified cabinet members. It is time for Somalia to have experienced, honest, and nationalist ministers whose loyalty is primarily to the motherland. The last government was stacked with many incompetent, baby-faced, ideological allies of the president. It was an administration that helped its employees replenish their resumes, but who accomplished little.  

2.     Ensure that women become an integral part of the government’s leadership. No more tokenism and no more traditional leaders usurping the right of women to participate, lead, and participate in the decision making process.

3.     Appoint an independent commission to investigate past corruption cases and possible graft allegations in the government. This commission, given full authority, would restore hope in the people’s confidence in the government and eradicate Somalia’s reputation as the most corrupt country in the world.

4.     Complete the work that has started in reviewing and amending the provisional constitution, a document HSM ignored and trampled on. Farmajo can help in making the country one in which the rule of law is respected and enforced.  

5.     Work on the reconciliation process to unite Somalis and restore peace amongst them. This can be done partly by establishing a truth and reconciliation commission, as South Africa did. It is time for Somalis to talk openly about their grievances, the return of lost properties, and past wrongdoings, and engage in genuine confidence building. Only then can the country move forward.

6.     Farmajo should work hand in hand with legislators to form an independent judiciary. The judicial branch will check and balance the powers of the executive and the legislature. It must have its own funds to operate in order to avoid the current system in which justice is for sale.

7.     Somalia must strengthen its army, pay its soldiers timeously, and slowly but gradually replace the 22,000 African troops in Mogadishu. It is embarrassing that foreign troops have to protect the Somali president.

8.     Al-Shabaab terrorists are still a threat to the country and must be fought relentlessly. First, Farmajo must have a strategy to combat terror. A campaign to clean up the police and intelligence forces of militant sympathizers is paramount. Second, the militant group is present in the capital and enjoys the support of certain business conglomerates. This group runs a sophisticated network that is involved in extortion and racketeering. There are those in Mogadishu who harbor al-Shabaab militants because they are “their sons.” This culture of complicity and duplicity will take some time to eradicate. The Al-Shabaab group still collects a percentage of the salaries of government employees, who hand over the money for fear of being assassinated. The same is true of small and big businesses that pay money monthly.

9.     Engage with the Somalis in the diaspora because they are an asset to the country. Over two million Somalis live abroad. Tap into these talents, investments, and advance their involvement in the country’s affairs.

Farmajo’s win is a victory for all Somalis. It is a victory for change, a new beginning for a war-torn country, and a new horizon, but the new administration has a lot of work to do. Let us all hope that Farmajo overcomes the challenges and works hard in make Somalia great again.

Five Signs You Are In A Relationship With A Sociopath

Many years ago, I worked in California with a young woman who had moved from El Paso, Texas. She was dating a man who was head over heels in love with her. He often visited her in the office and brought her flowers. After a while, the couple married and were blessed with a beautiful daughter. I switched jobs and moved on, however, several years later, I ran into the young lady. I asked her about her family. “I am raising my daughter alone,” she told me, “My ex-husband became violent and a cheater.” I was baffled by the turn of events. I wondered if her ex-husband’s behavior could have been detected earlier. How did a gentle, loving, and romantic man turn into a monster?

Sociopathy is a mental health disorder that features a sheer disregard for other people. The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual Disorders (DSM-V) defines a sociopath as someone who has “an inflated sense of self.” He acts like he is God’s gift to the world and feels no qualms boasting about his talents, accomplishments, sexual prowess, and physical attractiveness. Dr. Martha Stout, the author of The Sociopath Next Door (2005) wrote that 4% of the population can be characterized as conscienceless sociopaths, or 1 in every 25 people. While there are female sociopaths, men are three times more likely to be one. It is likely that you know a sociopath: a lover, neighbor, or a boss. The following are typical signs of a sociopath.

1.     Charm and Charisma

The first time a woman meets a sociopath, she is struck by his charm, wit, friendliness, helpfulness, and attention to detail. A sociopath targets his victim with almost surgical precision. He showers her with gifts, flowers, and, most of all, undivided attention. Phone calls, text messages, and emails pour down like rain. The victim feels flattered by the careful, calibrated excess of attention she is suddenly experiencing. However, she may also feel suffocated by loss of space or quality time for her family and friends. A sociopath wants the woman to spend all her time with him and, in the process, makes her the center of his attention, indeed, the focus of his universe.

According to Dr. Stout the danger is, “once the surface charm is scraped off, [a sociopath’s] marriage is loveless, one-sided, and almost always short-term. If a marriage partner has any value to the sociopath, it is because the partner is viewed as a possession, one that the sociopath may feel angry to lose, but never sad or accountable.”

A sociopath is a master of disguise and can concoct a manufactured love, and fake emotions.  He can easily walk away without showing any emotion or feeling an ounce of guilt. The victim, who has put so much time and effort into the relationship, finds herself dazed, bewildered, hurt, and anguished.

2.     Lack of Empathy

Empathy is putting yourself with someone’s shoes and understanding how that person feels. A sociopath lacks empathy, or the ability to feel remorse. A sociopath does not feel bad about the emotional pain he inflicts on his lover. He can stay clinically detached and, hence, loses no sleep over his lover’s emotional torment. It is she who is stressed about the relationship, not him.

3.     Jealousy and Paranoia

Among the signs of a sociopath is likely to exhibit are jealousy and a sense of paranoia. He is suspicious and jealous of other people in her life. Past relations are zealously scrutinized and, if possible, used against her. A sociopath is more likely to accuse his partner ofcheating, when perhaps he is the guilty party. The woman finds that she is constantly defending herself from false accusations.

4.     Secretiveness

A sociopath reveals little about himself even though he talks incessantly about various subjects. He has no connection with his past and maintains superficial friendships. A partner is not likely to meet someone important in his past or witness his family members visit him or interact with him in any meaningful way. Some sociopaths conceal a significant portion of their lives for fear they may expose their dark past. Moreover, they do not like exposure and tend to ask their lovers not to share too much about them.

As an example, one married man in California concealed from his wife he had another woman and five children back in Africa. When his wife became suspicious of the hundreds of dollars he was sending every month allegedly to his “mother,” his secret was exposed.

5.     Lying

Sociopaths are pathological liars. When confronted, they tend to change the subject, blame others for their deception, or get angry and instead highlight others’ shortcomings. It is a habit to deflect blame. A sociopath does not own up to his mistakes and takes no responsibility for his actions. This is because he does not believe he has done anything wrong—it is his partner who is at fault.

One man offered to add his fiancé to his cell phone plan. What seemed an act of generosity to her turned into a ploy to spy on her activities. When she told him she was leaving his plan, he was flabbergasted and accused her of cheating on him. He bellowed, “What are you hiding from me?”

***

Honeyed Words
A sociopath has a list of phrases he likes to use, as compiled by Paula Carrasquillo, author of Escaping from the Boy: My life with a sociopath:

1.     “You are the love of my life.”

2.     “I have never known anyone like you.”

3.     “You are perfect for me.”

4.     “I never want to leave your side.”

5.     “You are the most beautiful person I have ever met.”

6.     “We are perfect for each other.”

7.     “You are exactly what I have been looking for my entire life.”

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The Way Out

One big mistake many women make is they believe that a sociopath will change. A sociopath is not capable of change nor does he have the motivation to change. He is in the relationship for personal gain, and she is clearly his most precious possession. Mary Jo Buttafucoo, now Mary Jo Connery, knew better when her chronically philandering husband cheated on her with a teen and the young girl shot Mary Jo in the face. When asked why it took her so long to leave her duplicitous husband, Mary Jo said, “I stuck it out during the bad times because the good times were fantastic.”

Therefore, how does a woman extricate herself from a relationship with a sociopath?

1.     Seek professional help. A sociopath inflicts so much pain on his victim that she finds herself at the edge of the cliff, whether it is emotional turmoil, low self-esteem, or financial ruin. A professional will help you deal with these issues and guide you to overcome the emotional roller coaster you may experience.

2.     Disassociate yourself with anything that connects you with the sociopath. No phone calls, texts, emails, or any physical contact. There is nothing beneficial that comes from staying in contact with him. In the beginning, it will be painful to cut yourself off from him, but the farther you stay away from him the better. A sociopath may disappear from your life, but he is more likely to reappear and pursue you vigorously.

3.     Change your phone, if possible, and make sure to take necessary security precautions. The sociopath may pursue you after you separate from him and even electronically monitor your activities. One woman found her cell phone bugged and her email account hacked many years after her divorce. Unfortunately, police were not willing to investigate the matter and she had to fend for herself.

4.      Surround yourself with people who care about you and love you. Your family can provide moral support, as can your close friends.

Removing yourself from a relationship with a sociopath can be difficult, but it is better for your physical and emotional health in the long run. If you are in a relationship with a sociopath, get out, seek help, and eventually you will find peace and safety in your life.

(Reprinted with permission from Sahan Journal, February 7, 2017).

Hassan Sheikh: The Return of the Incumbent

Barring the unforeseen, it is likely President Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud (HSM) will be reelected on Dec. 28. What is not certain, however, is whether there is a possibility that the presidential election might be put off once again.

A politician whose term technically expired last September, HSM has recently become unhinged in the numerous interviews he has given. His odd behavior has recently become a concern as he has spoken erratically and, seemingly, without a filter. In one interview, he railed at unknown Somalis abroad equipped with laptops who pen articles against “Somalia” with the “four words of English” they had learned. He has equated criticizing the country of Somalia with opposing his government. Moreover, he juxtaposed these nefarious figures abroad with the Somalis in the country who carry guns and fight the government. He fails to acknowledge the hundreds of Somalis from the diaspora who occupy key positions in his own government.

Then, there was the time he welcomed the election of Donald Trump and said positive things about him. When the interviewer reminded him that the new U.S. president-elect lambasted Somalis in Minnesota, HSM drew a distinction between the Somalis in America and their brethren in Somalia. “Trump said nothing negative about the Somalis here,” he gloated.

At any rate, the possible re-election of HSM is strong. In a normal democratic country, the Somali president’s abysmal record for the last four years would have guaranteed his ultimate defeat. But, Somali elections are not one man, one vote. The parliament will select the new president, which is a process HSM has wanted all along since his election in 2012.

Several years ago, a prominent government official revealed two things: There would not be direct elections in 2016, and that HSM was categorically “the most corrupt man in Somalia.” This official, who was appointed by none other than the president himself, has the jurisdiction to investigate his boss, HSM. Unfortunately, he is only interested in preserving his position and not rocking the boat.

Why is HSM likely to be reelected?

There are several reasons that might help his reelection:

1.     HSM has stashed sufficient money to bribe many legislators in order to get their votes. He did it in 2012 and he is likely to do it again. This man has been hoarding money for the last few years and, in essence, has a war chest that defies logic. These funds are not from his own pocket, but rather public funds diverted from government projects and monies from business conglomerates. It is not clear how much money he has for the election, but people close to him posit astronomical numbers—many say about $300k per vote—to guarantee his election. What is not clear is how many foreign governments are willing to invest millions in this presidential election? Countries like the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, and Turkey are expected to play a major role in the process, as well as neighboring countries. The Gulf factor is expected to be crucial. Some Gulf countries have not shied from dispensing cash to have their man elected. Moreover, there is no truth in the reports that HSM’s second wife, whose house caught fire and was gutted last week, lost $30,000,000 cash in that dubious incident. It is one of the tabloid news items circulating in Mogadishu at this critical juncture in the country’s history.

2.     There are too many presidential candidates, many from the diaspora, and almost all of them know they have no chance of unseating HSM. The number of the candidates is so staggering that the joke now is not who is running for president, but who is not. There are former presidents, former prime ministers, former ministers, former or current heads of regional governments, a former speaker of parliament, and a few professionals. Many are in the competition to bolster their resumes. Some are there to be in the limelight. Others are simply failed politicians who are committed to resurrecting their images. Unlike the opposition in Gambia’s recent elections in which they all united against the sitting president, Somali presidential candidates are unlikely to present a united front. Each wants to do what is best only for him. Yes, they are all men. The only female candidate withdrew from the race last week and faded with barely a sound.  She was never serious about her race and spent almost all her time doing interviews with the international media, which found her candidacy alluring. She, like her male colleagues, rarely spent time campaigning in Somalia. She knew she had no chance, but she got her 15 minutes of fame. She is now back in her adopted country of Finland railing against “corruption in the presidential race.” In reality, she was no better candidate than many of the inept male candidates she was running against. In short, these presidential candidates’ division is a boon to HSM.

3.     The Mogadishu factor comes from the fact that the next president will be Hawiye. All the talk about PM Omar Abdirashid Sharmarke unseating his boss is nothing but cheap talk. Let me be clear: The chance of a Darod president in Mogadishu is unlikely to happen in the foreseeable future. It’s a pipedream. Somalia is not ready to elect a Darod president again. Now, the Darod, the Dir and the Digil/Mirifle can be power brokers, but that is the extent they will play in the election.

4.     There is also the myth of the homogenous “international community”. Now and then, one hears that the “International Community” wants HSM or that candidate. Not true. There are various countries and entities that play crucial role in Somali politics, but they are not united. Each country has its own interests to guard: Turkey has an economic interest in the country that might be anathema to the Emirates, and vice versa. There might be some convergence of interests among some of these entities, but one should never assume they are all one united front. Some of these entities might prefer the incumbent because it is simple, old politics: Better the devil you know.

In all, I do not expect miracles from the coming presidential elections. HSM has resoundingly failed in his first term because he has shown that his primary interest is self-enrichment. He did little to prepare the country for clean elections and with one man, one vote, did nothing on the provisional constitution, and, additionally, he allowed his cronies and relatives to control businesses, failed to bring law and order to the country, and became indifferent to genuine reconciliation. Another term for HSM means the continuation of unbridled corruption, bad governance, and Somalia remaining the laughing stock of the world. However, there will always be some in the legislature who are willing to sell their soul for the right price.

Osman Jinkis: An Obituary

A member of the Somali community of San Diego since the early 1990s, Osman Jinkismale Mohamed died of heart failure Sunday, Nov. 20, in San Diego. He was 59.

Jinkis, as his friends knew him, was popular among his fellow countrymen for his unbridled humor, affability, and technical savviness. He worked as a cab driver, but also moonlighted as a technician, wedding videographer, and an amateur mechanic.

Jinkis was born in Marka, a coastal town in southern Somalia, in 1957. He was given his father’s name “Jinkismale,” which means, “no one [among humans] is like him.” As a youngster, he enrolled in primary education, but his parents later pulled him out of school. Instead, he learned a few skills as he worked in various fields as a handy man.

In the 1970s, Jinkis unrelentingly pursued his dream of being an electrician. His determination paid off in 1978 when the American Embassy in Mogadishu hired him. He spoke no English, but he was proficient in his work and had strong people skills, which earned him the respect of his employer and colleagues.

In 1991, Jinkis, like thousands of Somalis, fled to Kenya because of the civil war. For a while, he spent time in the Utanga Refugee Camp near Mombasa. After a short period, he relocated to Nairobi where he applied to be settled in the United States. His previous work for the American Embassy came in handy and he was settled in San Diego in June 1993.

Wisecracking and charismatic, people listened to Jinkis when he spoke. He had an interesting accent—a blend of Markan and Benadiri dialects. I remember my nephew, Khalid Barre, then a teen, listening to Jinkis and watching him with rapt attention. I asked Khalid why he was looking at Jinkis in that way. Khalid replied, “Abti (uncle), he speaks Somali in a way that I have never heard.” Jinkis’ speech was unique and fun.

Somalis sought out Jinkis’ answers to various questions to elicit his humorous responses. One time, someone asked Jinkis how many breasts a she-camel has. Jinkis was not amused and said: “Why are you guys asking me about camels? I grew up in a coastal city. Ask me about fish.”

In another incident, Jinkis was driving along with three of his Somali co-workers in Poway, a suburb of San Diego, when a police officer stopped him for speeding. The officer asked Jinkis why he was speeding. Jinkis swiftly replied: “These guys were telling me my car is slow, and I wanted badly to show them how fast I can drive.” The officer laughed and said “That is the most honest answer I have ever heard from a motorist.”

Jinkis lived behind a Somali café popularly known as “Calaacal” (Whining) and would hang around the eatery. Tellingly, he once was heading to pray at a nearby mosque with another guy. The café was close to two Somali mosques; one a block away and predominantly Somali-run, the other was also overwhelmingly attended by Somalis, but Pakistanis ran it and it was two blocks away. When Jinkis was asked to pray at the closer mosque, he declined and said, “Ma rabo inaan tukado salaad afaara qabiil ah” (I do not want to offer a clannish prayer)”. He prayed instead in the mosque run by the Pakistanis. Still today, his friends remember his odd statement in amusement. It was a true reflection of the current tribal state of Somalis. 

With his dark complexion and straight hair, Jinkis looked more like an Indian. Occasionally, he was bothered by customers who automatically assumed he was Indian. “I am a Somali,” he would curtly reply. However, his unique features were a blessing as he was able to cultivate more diverse clientele. He had an incredible work ethic as a cabbie because he sometimes worked seven days a week—from 4 a.m. to 4 p.m. There was just one hitch: His extremely hectic schedule proved to be detrimental to his health and well-being as he developed an acute form of hypertension.

In 2012, Jinkis suffered a stroke and went into deep coma that lasted for a year. Doctors told his friends that he would last only a week or two. They were wrong. He survived a few more years, and miraculously came out of coma, and slowly but surely started returning to his old self. The long coma, however, took a heavy toll and damaged his kidneys. He was on dialysis for years as he waited for a kidney transplant.

I met Jinkis in the early 1990s at the Department of Motor Vehicles. I helped him with his paperwork and interpreted for him. Since then, we forged a true and lasting friendship. He was kind, caring, dependable, genial, and a loyal friend, indeed, there were none like him. Many of the Somalis in San Diego will also miss him because he bent over backward to help his community. He was a positive soul.  May God have mercy on him.