Farmajo's Farce

The appointment of Hassan Kheyre as Somalia’s new prime minister by the country’s president, Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajo, has sent shockwaves through the country, leaving many political commentators bemused and the public surprised.

There are many reasons for this reaction, not least of which is that fact that Kheyre, a Norwegian citizen, was an ally of President Hassan S. Mohamoud (HSM) and campaigned for him, despite well-placed rumors that he contributed financially to Farmajo’s campaign. Like many “astute” politicians, Kheyre’s duplicitous support for the two rivals for presidency clearly shows that either result would be a win-win situation for him. But the real brain teaser here is why Farmajo appointed Kheyre as his premier, knowing that the latter had campaigned openly for HSM. HSM even tried to nominate Kheyre for an IGAD job, but Ethiopia and Kenya rejected him after a UN monitoring group had accused him of graft.

It is extraordinary that Kheyre has been appointed to such a high office in government, not only in light of the investigation into his affairs by the UN Monitoring Group for Somalia and Eritrea, but also because of the serious allegations levelled against him regarding corruption and alleged ties with Al-Shabaab. While the UN Monitoring Group is not a prosecutorial entity, these allegations warrant an independent investigation. It would have been prudent for Farmajo, widely hailed as an anti-corruption candidate, to select someone else not tainted by allegations of corruption. Some Somalis are alarmed by Farmajo’s choice of Kheyre because they had such high expectations of him naming a non-controversial figure.

Kheyre has no government experience. He has carried out extensive humanitarian work and is known to be smart and engaging. His detractors, however, say he is what Somalis call “nin fudud” (a man given to rash decisions). Some people who have met him have appraised him in positive terms, while others have expressed concern about his lack of experience for taking the helm of government. It is the same old story of on the job training we have been accustomed to in Somali politics; figures such as former presidents HSM and Sheikh Sharif and former prime ministers such as Abdi Shirdon, Abdiweli Sheikh, and Farmajo himself—in his first stint as a premier in 2010—being placed in leadership positions. The country, it seems, is always trying to reinvent the wheel.

Kheyre’s appointment came as a surprise as he belongs to a sub-clan (Murursade) of Hawiye that has historically never held either the presidency or the premiership. A group of Hawiye traditional leaders met Farmajo recently and implored him to appoint a Hawiye—any Hawiye—as his prime minister. However, a Somali politician, a Murusade, called me one week before Kheyre’s appointment to tell me an odd story. He said the Murursade chieftain and elders met with Farmajo separately and pleaded with him to appoint a Murursade premier. “For 30 years, no member of our clan has represented our country as president or prime minister,” the elders lamented.

When I heard Kheyre had been appointed premier, I dismissed it as a joke. I thought Farmajo would appoint the usual suspects: either Abgaal or Habar Gidir. For once, I even thought he might appoint Abdinur Mohamed (Hawadle), who had once served as Education Minister under Farmajo. According to sources, Abdinur had secretly, but vigorously, campaigned to get the top job. In the end, Farmajo, whose wife is a Murursade, defied political convention and appointed a Murursade premier. There are reports that Kheyre is also married to a woman from Farmajo’s clan. Clan politics are never far from major government appointments.

Fahad Yasin Factor

Fahad Yasin Haji Dahir, a former employee of al-Jazeera, is a political operative who is closely allied with Farmajo and currently wields unusual power in his transition. Did Fahad bring loads of money from the Gulf countries to Farmajo’s presidential campaign? On July, 2013, the UN Monitoring Group accused Fahad and Abdi Aynte, also a former employee of al-Jazeera, of bringing millions of dollars from Qatar for then-candidate HSM “which was used to buy off political support.”

Fahad was once an ally of HSM until the two had a disagreement over Farmajo. In 2013, Fahad earnestly tried to persuade President HSM to appoint Farmajo as premier. HSM agreed, but at the 11^th hour, he changed his mind and instead appointed Abdiweli S. Ahmed. It was widely believed Farah Abdulkadir (Fahad’s uncle and then influential presidential advisor) had blocked Farmajo’s appointment. Fahad was so disappointed with HSM that their relationship soured.

Now Fahad is back on the political scene with verve. He and Dahir Ghelle, Somalia’s ambassador to Saudi Arabia, were instrumental in Farmajo’s first foreign trip to Saudi Arabia. There is a fear that Fahad Yasin will be another Farah Abdulkadir-type politician, a Rasputin-like figure capable of influencing the new Farmajo Government.

It is likely that Somalia’s parliament will approve Kheyre’s appointment. The chance of the legislature holding exhaustive hearings about Kheyre and his past business dealings is slim. Farmajo will have his nominee approved. The question then will be what type of cabinet Kheyre will nominate. Will they be the same old faces we have seen in HSM’s failed government? Will the new ministers be as inexperienced as the new premier? There is concern that HSM, despite being defeated in the presidential elections, will wield some power in the new government. If that is the case, an old Somali proverb will once again find credence: “Ayax teg eelna reep” (The locust flew away, but it left hardship).  

President Farmajo: Between Hope and Reality

This week, Somalia elected a new president, Mohamed Abdullahi “Farmajo,” an event that marked the second time in recent history an incumbent president lost the election. It happened in 2012 and again in 2017, just like Donald Trump’s surprise win, Farmajo’s election was unexpected, and it upended my prediction that the incumbent, Hassan S. Mohamoud (HSM), would be returned to power.

Mohamoud’s defeat was actually a blessing; the man was corrupt and incompetent. Moreover, HSM and his Dammul Jadid coterie of followers, grabbed more power than they could handle, and they will not be missed.

Now the new president has his hands full. He inherits a government that has plundered public funds, failed to pay the salaries of civil servants and the army, and was unable to maintain security.

Farmajo is a politician with a clean slate. He was prime minister in 2010 for eight months. Prior to that, he had a few years’ experience in the Foreign Service and then spent some time working for the State of New York in Buffalo as a housing specialist. His eight months as prime minister were neither remarkable nor disastrous. He was forced out of office after clashing with the then Speaker, Sharif Hassan. In short, Farmajo was outwitted and outmaneuvered by the Speaker until he was forced out of office.

Scattered protests supporting Farmajo, the beleaguered premier, were held in Mogadishu, but he opted to resign. According to some reports, the Ugandan President, Yuweri Moseveni, whose soldiers were protecting the Somali leaders in Mogadishu, told Farmajo the African soldiers would not guarantee his safety if he stayed in office. Unfortunately, some Somalis viewed his resignation in a decidedly negative light and branded him a quitter.

Farmajo fared poorly in the 2012 presidential elections failing to garner enough votes even from his clansmen. In fact, it was the newcomer, HSM, who stole the limelight, thrashing Sharif Ahmed, who was expected to win the election. Farmajo was still coming to terms with his crushing loss when he decided to return to his old desk job in Buffalo. His political career briefly stagnated and he took stock of his political future.

Farmajo’s comeback is a testament to his doggedness and commitment to redeem himself. Now he has been given a second chance in Villa Somalia, the seat of the government. He is enjoying remarkable support in the streets of Mogadishu, where he remains popular. Somalis have a history of lionizing their new presidents initially, and later vilifying them for poor performance. Farmajo is unlikely to be an exception. The pervasive euphoria in the streets of Mogadishu today will be numbered as Farmajo delves into the perilous task of governing a failed state.

There is a good chance that Farmajo will attempt to drain the swamp in Mogadishu and restore clean, transparent governance. He is uniquely qualified to start a reconciliation process as he is remarkably popular in the south, where his wife, Seynab Abdi Moalim Abdalla, hails from. Farmajo’s detractors are concerned he is a populist, an incorrigible showman who sometimes resorts to hyperbolic language. He is at best a “nice” politician, they say, in a rather cutthroat profession. His detractors see him a man who lacks substance, but he now has the perfect opportunity to prove them wrong. His supporters regard him as an interesting leader with tremendous positive energy; a man of the people, by the people, and for the people.

It is not clear how Jubbaland and Puntland would react to Farmajo’s presidency. Puntland is led by Abdiweli Gass, an old nemesis of Farmajo, who gave Gass a cabinet portfolio only to see the latter replace his boss as premier. The relationship was never the same afterwards as it plummeted to new depths. The once good friends back in Buffalo are no longer on speaking terms. Hopefully, they will set aside their personal and political animus and work toward the welfare of the country.

Jubbaland’s case is different and murkier because that region has been a political battleground between the Ogaden clan and Marehan, Farmajo’s clan. Clan politics in Somalia have a way of keeping national leaders on a downward trajectory.  

Here are some recommendations for the new president:

1.     Appoint a competent prime minister who will name equally qualified cabinet members. It is time for Somalia to have experienced, honest, and nationalist ministers whose loyalty is primarily to the motherland. The last government was stacked with many incompetent, baby-faced, ideological allies of the president. It was an administration that helped its employees replenish their resumes, but who accomplished little.  

2.     Ensure that women become an integral part of the government’s leadership. No more tokenism and no more traditional leaders usurping the right of women to participate, lead, and participate in the decision making process.

3.     Appoint an independent commission to investigate past corruption cases and possible graft allegations in the government. This commission, given full authority, would restore hope in the people’s confidence in the government and eradicate Somalia’s reputation as the most corrupt country in the world.

4.     Complete the work that has started in reviewing and amending the provisional constitution, a document HSM ignored and trampled on. Farmajo can help in making the country one in which the rule of law is respected and enforced.  

5.     Work on the reconciliation process to unite Somalis and restore peace amongst them. This can be done partly by establishing a truth and reconciliation commission, as South Africa did. It is time for Somalis to talk openly about their grievances, the return of lost properties, and past wrongdoings, and engage in genuine confidence building. Only then can the country move forward.

6.     Farmajo should work hand in hand with legislators to form an independent judiciary. The judicial branch will check and balance the powers of the executive and the legislature. It must have its own funds to operate in order to avoid the current system in which justice is for sale.

7.     Somalia must strengthen its army, pay its soldiers timeously, and slowly but gradually replace the 22,000 African troops in Mogadishu. It is embarrassing that foreign troops have to protect the Somali president.

8.     Al-Shabaab terrorists are still a threat to the country and must be fought relentlessly. First, Farmajo must have a strategy to combat terror. A campaign to clean up the police and intelligence forces of militant sympathizers is paramount. Second, the militant group is present in the capital and enjoys the support of certain business conglomerates. This group runs a sophisticated network that is involved in extortion and racketeering. There are those in Mogadishu who harbor al-Shabaab militants because they are “their sons.” This culture of complicity and duplicity will take some time to eradicate. The Al-Shabaab group still collects a percentage of the salaries of government employees, who hand over the money for fear of being assassinated. The same is true of small and big businesses that pay money monthly.

9.     Engage with the Somalis in the diaspora because they are an asset to the country. Over two million Somalis live abroad. Tap into these talents, investments, and advance their involvement in the country’s affairs.

Farmajo’s win is a victory for all Somalis. It is a victory for change, a new beginning for a war-torn country, and a new horizon, but the new administration has a lot of work to do. Let us all hope that Farmajo overcomes the challenges and works hard in make Somalia great again.

Five Signs You Are In A Relationship With A Sociopath

Many years ago, I worked in California with a young woman who had moved from El Paso, Texas. She was dating a man who was head over heels in love with her. He often visited her in the office and brought her flowers. After a while, the couple married and were blessed with a beautiful daughter. I switched jobs and moved on, however, several years later, I ran into the young lady. I asked her about her family. “I am raising my daughter alone,” she told me, “My ex-husband became violent and a cheater.” I was baffled by the turn of events. I wondered if her ex-husband’s behavior could have been detected earlier. How did a gentle, loving, and romantic man turn into a monster?

Sociopathy is a mental health disorder that features a sheer disregard for other people. The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual Disorders (DSM-V) defines a sociopath as someone who has “an inflated sense of self.” He acts like he is God’s gift to the world and feels no qualms boasting about his talents, accomplishments, sexual prowess, and physical attractiveness. Dr. Martha Stout, the author of The Sociopath Next Door (2005) wrote that 4% of the population can be characterized as conscienceless sociopaths, or 1 in every 25 people. While there are female sociopaths, men are three times more likely to be one. It is likely that you know a sociopath: a lover, neighbor, or a boss. The following are typical signs of a sociopath.

1.     Charm and Charisma

The first time a woman meets a sociopath, she is struck by his charm, wit, friendliness, helpfulness, and attention to detail. A sociopath targets his victim with almost surgical precision. He showers her with gifts, flowers, and, most of all, undivided attention. Phone calls, text messages, and emails pour down like rain. The victim feels flattered by the careful, calibrated excess of attention she is suddenly experiencing. However, she may also feel suffocated by loss of space or quality time for her family and friends. A sociopath wants the woman to spend all her time with him and, in the process, makes her the center of his attention, indeed, the focus of his universe.

According to Dr. Stout the danger is, “once the surface charm is scraped off, [a sociopath’s] marriage is loveless, one-sided, and almost always short-term. If a marriage partner has any value to the sociopath, it is because the partner is viewed as a possession, one that the sociopath may feel angry to lose, but never sad or accountable.”

A sociopath is a master of disguise and can concoct a manufactured love, and fake emotions.  He can easily walk away without showing any emotion or feeling an ounce of guilt. The victim, who has put so much time and effort into the relationship, finds herself dazed, bewildered, hurt, and anguished.

2.     Lack of Empathy

Empathy is putting yourself with someone’s shoes and understanding how that person feels. A sociopath lacks empathy, or the ability to feel remorse. A sociopath does not feel bad about the emotional pain he inflicts on his lover. He can stay clinically detached and, hence, loses no sleep over his lover’s emotional torment. It is she who is stressed about the relationship, not him.

3.     Jealousy and Paranoia

Among the signs of a sociopath is likely to exhibit are jealousy and a sense of paranoia. He is suspicious and jealous of other people in her life. Past relations are zealously scrutinized and, if possible, used against her. A sociopath is more likely to accuse his partner ofcheating, when perhaps he is the guilty party. The woman finds that she is constantly defending herself from false accusations.

4.     Secretiveness

A sociopath reveals little about himself even though he talks incessantly about various subjects. He has no connection with his past and maintains superficial friendships. A partner is not likely to meet someone important in his past or witness his family members visit him or interact with him in any meaningful way. Some sociopaths conceal a significant portion of their lives for fear they may expose their dark past. Moreover, they do not like exposure and tend to ask their lovers not to share too much about them.

As an example, one married man in California concealed from his wife he had another woman and five children back in Africa. When his wife became suspicious of the hundreds of dollars he was sending every month allegedly to his “mother,” his secret was exposed.

5.     Lying

Sociopaths are pathological liars. When confronted, they tend to change the subject, blame others for their deception, or get angry and instead highlight others’ shortcomings. It is a habit to deflect blame. A sociopath does not own up to his mistakes and takes no responsibility for his actions. This is because he does not believe he has done anything wrong—it is his partner who is at fault.

One man offered to add his fiancé to his cell phone plan. What seemed an act of generosity to her turned into a ploy to spy on her activities. When she told him she was leaving his plan, he was flabbergasted and accused her of cheating on him. He bellowed, “What are you hiding from me?”

***

Honeyed Words
A sociopath has a list of phrases he likes to use, as compiled by Paula Carrasquillo, author of Escaping from the Boy: My life with a sociopath:

1.     “You are the love of my life.”

2.     “I have never known anyone like you.”

3.     “You are perfect for me.”

4.     “I never want to leave your side.”

5.     “You are the most beautiful person I have ever met.”

6.     “We are perfect for each other.”

7.     “You are exactly what I have been looking for my entire life.”

***
The Way Out

One big mistake many women make is they believe that a sociopath will change. A sociopath is not capable of change nor does he have the motivation to change. He is in the relationship for personal gain, and she is clearly his most precious possession. Mary Jo Buttafucoo, now Mary Jo Connery, knew better when her chronically philandering husband cheated on her with a teen and the young girl shot Mary Jo in the face. When asked why it took her so long to leave her duplicitous husband, Mary Jo said, “I stuck it out during the bad times because the good times were fantastic.”

Therefore, how does a woman extricate herself from a relationship with a sociopath?

1.     Seek professional help. A sociopath inflicts so much pain on his victim that she finds herself at the edge of the cliff, whether it is emotional turmoil, low self-esteem, or financial ruin. A professional will help you deal with these issues and guide you to overcome the emotional roller coaster you may experience.

2.     Disassociate yourself with anything that connects you with the sociopath. No phone calls, texts, emails, or any physical contact. There is nothing beneficial that comes from staying in contact with him. In the beginning, it will be painful to cut yourself off from him, but the farther you stay away from him the better. A sociopath may disappear from your life, but he is more likely to reappear and pursue you vigorously.

3.     Change your phone, if possible, and make sure to take necessary security precautions. The sociopath may pursue you after you separate from him and even electronically monitor your activities. One woman found her cell phone bugged and her email account hacked many years after her divorce. Unfortunately, police were not willing to investigate the matter and she had to fend for herself.

4.      Surround yourself with people who care about you and love you. Your family can provide moral support, as can your close friends.

Removing yourself from a relationship with a sociopath can be difficult, but it is better for your physical and emotional health in the long run. If you are in a relationship with a sociopath, get out, seek help, and eventually you will find peace and safety in your life.

(Reprinted with permission from Sahan Journal, February 7, 2017).

Hassan Sheikh: The Return of the Incumbent

Barring the unforeseen, it is likely President Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud (HSM) will be reelected on Dec. 28. What is not certain, however, is whether there is a possibility that the presidential election might be put off once again.

A politician whose term technically expired last September, HSM has recently become unhinged in the numerous interviews he has given. His odd behavior has recently become a concern as he has spoken erratically and, seemingly, without a filter. In one interview, he railed at unknown Somalis abroad equipped with laptops who pen articles against “Somalia” with the “four words of English” they had learned. He has equated criticizing the country of Somalia with opposing his government. Moreover, he juxtaposed these nefarious figures abroad with the Somalis in the country who carry guns and fight the government. He fails to acknowledge the hundreds of Somalis from the diaspora who occupy key positions in his own government.

Then, there was the time he welcomed the election of Donald Trump and said positive things about him. When the interviewer reminded him that the new U.S. president-elect lambasted Somalis in Minnesota, HSM drew a distinction between the Somalis in America and their brethren in Somalia. “Trump said nothing negative about the Somalis here,” he gloated.

At any rate, the possible re-election of HSM is strong. In a normal democratic country, the Somali president’s abysmal record for the last four years would have guaranteed his ultimate defeat. But, Somali elections are not one man, one vote. The parliament will select the new president, which is a process HSM has wanted all along since his election in 2012.

Several years ago, a prominent government official revealed two things: There would not be direct elections in 2016, and that HSM was categorically “the most corrupt man in Somalia.” This official, who was appointed by none other than the president himself, has the jurisdiction to investigate his boss, HSM. Unfortunately, he is only interested in preserving his position and not rocking the boat.

Why is HSM likely to be reelected?

There are several reasons that might help his reelection:

1.     HSM has stashed sufficient money to bribe many legislators in order to get their votes. He did it in 2012 and he is likely to do it again. This man has been hoarding money for the last few years and, in essence, has a war chest that defies logic. These funds are not from his own pocket, but rather public funds diverted from government projects and monies from business conglomerates. It is not clear how much money he has for the election, but people close to him posit astronomical numbers—many say about $300k per vote—to guarantee his election. What is not clear is how many foreign governments are willing to invest millions in this presidential election? Countries like the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, and Turkey are expected to play a major role in the process, as well as neighboring countries. The Gulf factor is expected to be crucial. Some Gulf countries have not shied from dispensing cash to have their man elected. Moreover, there is no truth in the reports that HSM’s second wife, whose house caught fire and was gutted last week, lost $30,000,000 cash in that dubious incident. It is one of the tabloid news items circulating in Mogadishu at this critical juncture in the country’s history.

2.     There are too many presidential candidates, many from the diaspora, and almost all of them know they have no chance of unseating HSM. The number of the candidates is so staggering that the joke now is not who is running for president, but who is not. There are former presidents, former prime ministers, former ministers, former or current heads of regional governments, a former speaker of parliament, and a few professionals. Many are in the competition to bolster their resumes. Some are there to be in the limelight. Others are simply failed politicians who are committed to resurrecting their images. Unlike the opposition in Gambia’s recent elections in which they all united against the sitting president, Somali presidential candidates are unlikely to present a united front. Each wants to do what is best only for him. Yes, they are all men. The only female candidate withdrew from the race last week and faded with barely a sound.  She was never serious about her race and spent almost all her time doing interviews with the international media, which found her candidacy alluring. She, like her male colleagues, rarely spent time campaigning in Somalia. She knew she had no chance, but she got her 15 minutes of fame. She is now back in her adopted country of Finland railing against “corruption in the presidential race.” In reality, she was no better candidate than many of the inept male candidates she was running against. In short, these presidential candidates’ division is a boon to HSM.

3.     The Mogadishu factor comes from the fact that the next president will be Hawiye. All the talk about PM Omar Abdirashid Sharmarke unseating his boss is nothing but cheap talk. Let me be clear: The chance of a Darod president in Mogadishu is unlikely to happen in the foreseeable future. It’s a pipedream. Somalia is not ready to elect a Darod president again. Now, the Darod, the Dir and the Digil/Mirifle can be power brokers, but that is the extent they will play in the election.

4.     There is also the myth of the homogenous “international community”. Now and then, one hears that the “International Community” wants HSM or that candidate. Not true. There are various countries and entities that play crucial role in Somali politics, but they are not united. Each country has its own interests to guard: Turkey has an economic interest in the country that might be anathema to the Emirates, and vice versa. There might be some convergence of interests among some of these entities, but one should never assume they are all one united front. Some of these entities might prefer the incumbent because it is simple, old politics: Better the devil you know.

In all, I do not expect miracles from the coming presidential elections. HSM has resoundingly failed in his first term because he has shown that his primary interest is self-enrichment. He did little to prepare the country for clean elections and with one man, one vote, did nothing on the provisional constitution, and, additionally, he allowed his cronies and relatives to control businesses, failed to bring law and order to the country, and became indifferent to genuine reconciliation. Another term for HSM means the continuation of unbridled corruption, bad governance, and Somalia remaining the laughing stock of the world. However, there will always be some in the legislature who are willing to sell their soul for the right price.

Osman Jinkis: An Obituary

A member of the Somali community of San Diego since the early 1990s, Osman Jinkismale Mohamed died of heart failure Sunday, Nov. 20, in San Diego. He was 59.

Jinkis, as his friends knew him, was popular among his fellow countrymen for his unbridled humor, affability, and technical savviness. He worked as a cab driver, but also moonlighted as a technician, wedding videographer, and an amateur mechanic.

Jinkis was born in Marka, a coastal town in southern Somalia, in 1957. He was given his father’s name “Jinkismale,” which means, “no one [among humans] is like him.” As a youngster, he enrolled in primary education, but his parents later pulled him out of school. Instead, he learned a few skills as he worked in various fields as a handy man.

In the 1970s, Jinkis unrelentingly pursued his dream of being an electrician. His determination paid off in 1978 when the American Embassy in Mogadishu hired him. He spoke no English, but he was proficient in his work and had strong people skills, which earned him the respect of his employer and colleagues.

In 1991, Jinkis, like thousands of Somalis, fled to Kenya because of the civil war. For a while, he spent time in the Utanga Refugee Camp near Mombasa. After a short period, he relocated to Nairobi where he applied to be settled in the United States. His previous work for the American Embassy came in handy and he was settled in San Diego in June 1993.

Wisecracking and charismatic, people listened to Jinkis when he spoke. He had an interesting accent—a blend of Markan and Benadiri dialects. I remember my nephew, Khalid Barre, then a teen, listening to Jinkis and watching him with rapt attention. I asked Khalid why he was looking at Jinkis in that way. Khalid replied, “Abti (uncle), he speaks Somali in a way that I have never heard.” Jinkis’ speech was unique and fun.

Somalis sought out Jinkis’ answers to various questions to elicit his humorous responses. One time, someone asked Jinkis how many breasts a she-camel has. Jinkis was not amused and said: “Why are you guys asking me about camels? I grew up in a coastal city. Ask me about fish.”

In another incident, Jinkis was driving along with three of his Somali co-workers in Poway, a suburb of San Diego, when a police officer stopped him for speeding. The officer asked Jinkis why he was speeding. Jinkis swiftly replied: “These guys were telling me my car is slow, and I wanted badly to show them how fast I can drive.” The officer laughed and said “That is the most honest answer I have ever heard from a motorist.”

Jinkis lived behind a Somali café popularly known as “Calaacal” (Whining) and would hang around the eatery. Tellingly, he once was heading to pray at a nearby mosque with another guy. The café was close to two Somali mosques; one a block away and predominantly Somali-run, the other was also overwhelmingly attended by Somalis, but Pakistanis ran it and it was two blocks away. When Jinkis was asked to pray at the closer mosque, he declined and said, “Ma rabo inaan tukado salaad afaara qabiil ah” (I do not want to offer a clannish prayer)”. He prayed instead in the mosque run by the Pakistanis. Still today, his friends remember his odd statement in amusement. It was a true reflection of the current tribal state of Somalis. 

With his dark complexion and straight hair, Jinkis looked more like an Indian. Occasionally, he was bothered by customers who automatically assumed he was Indian. “I am a Somali,” he would curtly reply. However, his unique features were a blessing as he was able to cultivate more diverse clientele. He had an incredible work ethic as a cabbie because he sometimes worked seven days a week—from 4 a.m. to 4 p.m. There was just one hitch: His extremely hectic schedule proved to be detrimental to his health and well-being as he developed an acute form of hypertension.

In 2012, Jinkis suffered a stroke and went into deep coma that lasted for a year. Doctors told his friends that he would last only a week or two. They were wrong. He survived a few more years, and miraculously came out of coma, and slowly but surely started returning to his old self. The long coma, however, took a heavy toll and damaged his kidneys. He was on dialysis for years as he waited for a kidney transplant.

I met Jinkis in the early 1990s at the Department of Motor Vehicles. I helped him with his paperwork and interpreted for him. Since then, we forged a true and lasting friendship. He was kind, caring, dependable, genial, and a loyal friend, indeed, there were none like him. Many of the Somalis in San Diego will also miss him because he bent over backward to help his community. He was a positive soul.  May God have mercy on him. 

All in the Family (Part 2): Politics in the South West

President Sharif Hassan of the South West (SW) is trying to ensure that his relatives and friends are elected to the Lower House of the Federal Parliament. He is also creating his own set of clan chieftains.

To begin, Sharif Hassan’s own son, Abdulkhadir, has been officially selected for parliament.  Abdulkhadir replaced his father two years ago in the Federal Parliament when Sharif Hassan became the head of the Interim South West Administration. Now, Abdulkhadir has returned.

In Part One, we discussed Mohamed Mursal, the Wunderkind and nephew of Sharif Hassan. Mursal is the state minister for the presidency office and the head of the election committee. These strange dual and conflicting responsibilities can only possibly take place in the SW. Mursal’s wife, Samro Omar Ibrahim, is running for a seat in parliament with her selection almost guaranteed.

Sharif Hassan’s half-brother, Madeer, is slated to win a seat over Adan Mohamed Nur “Madoobe,” former speaker of Somalia. The two are fighting for a seat for Hadame, a subclan of Mirifle. Madoobe was the politician who had replaced Sharif Hassan as speaker in 2007, when the latter was voted out of office. Madoobe was also once a star in the SW, but has since fizzled out.

In one subclan of Mirifle, Liisaan, Sharif Hassan has anointed a new chieftain by the name of Malaaq Mohamed Adow. Professor Mohamed Mukhtar of Savannah State University’s late father, 100, was the chieftain of Liisaan in particular and Mirifle in general, but has passed away recently. Mukhtar’s brother, Malaaq Ali Malaaq Mukhtar, who lives in Australia, was supposed to lead the sub clan until Sharif Hassan chose his own man, Adow, a butcher by profession, to lead. Why Adow? First, Adow is married to Sharif Hassan’s sister. Secondly, Adow’s sister is married to Madeer, Sharif Hassan’s brother.

However, perhaps, Gelidle, another subclan of Mirifle, saw the most violent aspect of this election. The Gelidle chieftain, Malaaq Ibrahim Moalim, was beaten by soldiers when he defied Sharif Hassan. The strongman and his nephew, Mursal, wanted to have their people elected to parliament. Mursal’s wife, Samro, belongs to the Gelidle subclan. (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ce5pG9djlPc)

Corruption in its highest order

These are some features of the elections in the South West for the Lower House:

    1.      Each candidate selects his/her own 51 electors without any vetting. In other words, if you      are   approved to run for office, it is your responsibility to bring a list of people who will vote for you. It does not matter where these electors come or which clan they belong to. Alas, no one will check them. There are reports that Sharif Hassan’s soldiers have doubled as electors. One major condition is that the candidates must support Sharif Hassan. “Anyone who is not supporting me,” Sharif Hassan said in ruthlessly clear terms, “has no business running for parliament.”  

2.      The Election Committee, headed by Mursal, is involved in weaning out candidates seen as independents or have not paid enough bribes. There are instances in which legitimate candidates were barred from entering the polling places. Why Mursal, a government official, would oversee the election process is a question that has stumped many people? In essence, he is the judge and the jury.

3.      Unlike elections of the Lower House in Puntland, the South West does not allow the mass media to broadcast the proceedings live. Journalists in the South West are intimidated and harassed by Sharif Hassan’s people.

4.      Candidates who do not cooperate with Mursal are threatened that their pictures will be passed to Al-Shabaab. While Al-Shabaab militants are not on the ballot, they are a major factor in the election. All parliament candidates must submit their pictures in order to run for office and, unfortunately, these images are used as blackmail to pass to Al-Shabaab for those who refuse to cooperate with Sharif Hassan.

5.      Money flows like water in the SW during the elections.  The problem is that no one is caught with their hand in the cookie jar. The system lacks transparency and an independent election body to run the elections. In essence, as one candidate said, “It is a joke that there are elections in the South West in the first place.”

6.      Sharif Hassan controls Baydhabo, the largest city in the SW. He does not control outside of Baydhabo, an area run by Al-Shabaab. He and his followers have to fly in and out of Baydhabo. The same can be said about other regional states like Jubbaland, Galmudug, and Hirshabelle. In a way, these are all city-states. For the SW, Sharif Hassan lacks a pool of people to fill many vacancies. The candidates for office can’t visit the very areas they represent. That is why Sharif Hassan has to “create” his own candidates and fake mechanisms for electors and elected officials.

Perhaps, Mohamed Osman Jawari, speaker of the federal parliament, was the only politician elected fair and square in the SW. His election was attended by the media and two U.N observers in order to show the world that the process in Baydhabo was clean and fair. However, for many candidates, the election set off a cascade of grievances.

Somali Finance Minister, Mohamed Adan Farkeeti, was not lucky. Sharif Hassan did not want him to serve in the federal parliament even though Farkeeti spent a great deal of money in his campaign. Sharif Hassan had more than twenty five of Farkeeti’s electors detained in the presidential palace for two days and their cell phones confiscated. At the end, Farkeeti lost by one vote to a man very close to Sharif Hassan. Sometimes, money is not everything in the SW, especially if Sharif Hassan does not want you or sees you as a threat. Already, supporters of Farkeeti and Sharif Hassan have clashed in Baydhabo and gunfire has been exchanged. There is a great chance that these armed confrontations will spread across the SW.

Mukhtar Hassan Yarow, 57, (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nmWlU7PtWuc) saw firsthand the level of corruption in the South West elections. As a candidate, he was beaten and physically removed from the election site. “I have never seen something like this in my life,” he lamented, “with the prevalence of wrongdoing and corruption.” His rival brought with him 15 members of his immediate family to vote for him. Undeterred, Yarow still wanted to run. Finally, he was approached by Musal and was given a bona fide offer: “Withdraw.” When Yarow refused, he was hit on the back of his head by 20 soldiers and physically removed from the building.

Another young man (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=th20w2aD3CM ) held a short press conference —remember, there is fear among journalists—but proved to be powerful and effective. The young man asked the international community and President Hassan S. Mohamoud to interfere in the “so-called elections” in the South West. “It is a charade,” he said. He solely blamed Sharif Hassan and his nephew for the widespread corruption and use of force to intimidate and harass candidates.

Recently, Michael Keating, Special Representative of the U.N Secretary General to Somalia, conceded that “vote buying and bribes are a reality,” but added that “voting, when it actually takes place, is secret, that there are no cell phones for example for people to take photos on how they voted…”  The question is: what is the point of having secret voting when the pool of electors is tainted? What good would a secret ballot do when you, as a candidate, are assured that you will prevail? The problem with the SW is a combination of money, nepotism, an inexperienced pool of candidates, and a corrupt election committee, all of which is reflected on during their elections.

HSM: The hand that rocks the cradle of HirShabelle

The newly formed HirShabelle state is on its way to selecting members of the Upper House, and it is already providing a textbook case for how President Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud (HSM) will be re-elected: with loads of money.

In the beginning, HSM treated Hiiraan with disrespect and heavy-handedness. He sent his boyish-looking, interior minister and federal affairs, Abdurahman Odowaa, to the region to start the formation of the new federal state combining Hiiraan and Shabelle. The young man, widely believed to be a member of Dammul-Jadid, the secretive group that controls Villa Somalia and Mogadishu’s economy, failed in his attempts to garner support from various tribal leaders. Clan elders simply ignored him and treated him as a “youngster” and an extension of HSM.

Consequently, Odowaa and Mohamed Mukhtar, another cabinet minister, were sent to Beledweyne to enlist support, but that did not work either. Some of the elders simply told the duo that one of them was welcome (Mukhtar) and the other (Odowaa) was not. It took HSM a long time to realize that Odowaa was no longer welcome in that region.

A few clan leaders in Hiiraan and Shabelle then attempted to form a state region. They failed because the international community did not lend a helping hand and some clans boycotted the gathering. Afterward, Prime Minister Omar Abdirashid came to Beledweyne and persuaded Hiiraan leaders to acquiesce in the formation of a state that combined Hiiraan and Middle Shabelle. Sharmarke admitted to the elders that the federal government had made mistakes in its dealing with the region. The elders then tentatively agreed to participate in the formation of the state.

When HSM heard that his premier and political rival succeeded where his young envoys failed, he decided to go to Beledweyne himself. The president did not want Sharmarke to take any credit for the successful talks.

Hiiraan verses Shabelle

The Xawadle, one of the largest clans in Hiiraan, and its elders have serious grievances with the new federal process of state formation. They are angry that Hiiraan, one of the eight original regions formed after the country gained its independence, is being lumped with Shabelle.  The idea that it now has to share power with Middle Shabelle is mindboggling. As Ugaas Hassan Ugaas Khalif of Xawaadle clan succinctly put it: “Hiiraan was a region after independence when Jowhar was a mere district.”  He said that Hiiraan, for instance, will not accept four seats in the Upper House when Shabelle will also have four seats.

State parliament elections

After the arm twisting of various clan elders in both Hiiraan and Shebelle, HSM succeeded in making Jowhar the new capital of HirShabelle. About ninety eight members were selected for the state parliament.  The presidency was given to Xawaadle, the speakership to Gaal Jecel, and the vice presidency to Abgaal.  Two elections, one for speaker and the other for president of the state, were first conducted this month.

Initially, the post of the speaker was supposed to be an easy choice between Abukar Hassan Ali, an educated politician with experience in government and the court system, and Sheikh Osman Barre, a traditional tribal leader. HSM took no chances and made sure “his people” won the selection process. He backed the traditional elder because he was someone whom he could influence. Moreover, he suspected that Abukar Hassan Ali, who had worked with the former head of the country, President Sharif Ahmed, was too independent to court. Besides, Sharif Ahmed was a rival of HSM and the two are currently competing for the country’s presidency.

HSM sent two political operatives and Members of Parliament to buy votes in HirShabelle’s state elections: Dahir Amin Jeesow and Amina Mohamed Abdi.  The two came to Jowhar with loads of money. Some sources say that they brought with them several hundred thousand dollars. The duo distributed funds to members of the state parliament to elect HSM’s pick, Sheikh Barre, and defeat Ali. According to reliable sources, about $6,000 was given to each state parliamentarian, who in return promised to vote for Barre. It worked. Suddenly, Barre, the dark horse in that race, won 61 votes. So, HSM was the ultimate winner.

Once the speaker was chosen, the president of the state was selected. Three candidates were in the running: Ali Abdullahi Osoble, Ali Mohamed Arale, and Mohamed Abdi Waare. However, Arale’s brother (Abdikarim) is married to Ossoble’s sister.  Therefore, Ali Arale withdrew from the race.

Ali Ossoble, whose father served as a cabinet member in Siad Barre’s government, is a quiet man not known for political activism. His detractors say that he is the type of politician HSM loves to deal with; malleable, weak, and un-engaging.  In political parlance, he poses no threat to Villa Somalia. Ossoble was selected as the president of HirShabelle with exactly 61 votes. What is magic about the number 61? Some believe that the $6,000 given to 61 members of the state parliament paid for votes for both the new speaker and state president; they were a package deal. In politics, these critics say, there is no coincidence.

In a BBC interview, Ossoble denied that the election was questionable. He was introduced to the international community in Mogadishu last week and then went to Beledweyne. Ugaas Hassan, who had denounced the formation of HirShabelle as an illegal entity made and manufactured elsewhere, met Ossoble. Ossoble’’s goal was to bring the chieftain with him to Jowhar so he could attend the swear-in-ceremony for the new president. It did not happen. When asked what the two had talked about, Ugaas Hassan issued a terse reply: “We only discussed about our clan.”

In the next article, I will address the selection of members of the Upper House from HirShabelle which has yet to be finalized.  Sit tight and enjoy the ride.