The tragic famine in Somalia is igniting a wave of unprecedented activism among Somali youth in the diaspora and a flurry of foreign dignitaries flocking to visit Mogadishu to help the victims. Some countries sent high-profile representatives to Somalia to show their solidarity with the Somalis in their dire moment of need. But the Somali famine has also exposed the deep fissures in some of the scattered communities where mundane relief programs have proven to be divisive. In all fairness, there are many communities in the diaspora that have helped victims of the devastating drought. In one case, a group of Somali youth activists came face to face with the quintessential Somali epidemic in their efforts towards relief; clanism.
Upending the Youth
I have not seen an issue that has galvanized Somali youth in the diaspora more than the current famine engulfing Somalia. For the first time, I saw many young people, some in high schools and others in universities, organizing themselves and raising funds for their brethren back home. In one American city, San Diego, more than 70 young men and women, all from various backgrounds, came together and formed a group so they could make their community and their American neighbors aware of the plight of Somalis abroad. The youths held car washes, planned and sold tickets for a fundraising dinner, and engaged the local media. Overall, they raised about $30,000.
Yes, $30,000.
Unfortunately, however, there were several Somali leaders and community activists who waged a subtle, yet effective, campaign to dissuade these young people. First, the youths were accused of being “naïve” and “ignorant” of the situation in Somalia. There were condescending attempts to “educate” and “illuminate” them. Second, there were accusations that the young people were collecting money for “Ethiopians” instead of Somalis; a dubious and false charge meant to malign the youth. Some religious and community groups felt threatened by the ease in which the youths organized themselves and raised the funds without the benefit of clannish support. Apart from petty organizational jealousies, greed came into the equation. “What are they going to do with the money?” became the prevalent question among some community leaders. Then, the youths were deluged with requests to dispose of the money. Since the youth group did not have a legal status as an organization, they solicited applications from established relief agencies. They asked four agencies, which had shown interest in helping famine-stricken people, to present their legal papers and submit for grueling interviews. Some agencies responded to the challenge whereas others flinched because they did not have their papers in order.
The youth chose ARAHA (American Relief Agency for the Horn of Africa) which they thought had all the legal papers necessary to operate abroad and had a track record of providing services in Somalia and neighboring countries. The head of the selected organization, however, was not Somali. The choice infuriated some people, who started questioning the motive of the youth. To pacify the storm brewing against them, the youth group decided to send one of its leaders to Somalia who, in turn, made sure that food and medicine were delivered to the famine victims. In the midst of the controversy, the head of a clan-based community organization called his niece, a youth activist, and fumed at her for her involvement in a futile cause. The people dying in Somalia, her uncle wanted her to know, did not belong to their clan. The young lady was startled by the rancorous display from her uncle never expecting him, an educated man who himself came to the USA as a youngster, to utter such a diabolical statement. “Even if the drought victims were Jews,” she told her myopic uncle, “I would still help them.”
International Love Fest!
They all came to Mogadishu, the world’s most dangerous capital, to visit the starving people.
Foreign politicians and celebrities all showed up to pledge their support.
They all had photo opportunities with famine-stricken children, Somali government officials, and members of the press who were readily available.
Then, after several hours in Mogadishu, they all left. None stayed overnight.
Mogadishu, after all, has serious security issues. Moreover, the city does not have five-star hotels. Its beaches, though beautiful, are infested with sharks. The country’s government officials seem to be magnet for corruption.
For few weeks, it seemed that there was an intense competition, among some world leaders, to go to Somalia and help the victims of the famine.
It was obvious that Somalia had suddenly become a battle ground for competing countries. Regional rivals such as Turkey, Iran, and Saudi Arabia, for instance, each sent a delegation. It was a contest to show the world which country cared the most. Or so; it appeared!
Perhaps, one country has captured the hearts and minds of many Somalis.
Turkey!
Turkish Prime Minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, was, perhaps, the first high ranking world leader to have visited Somalia since Uganda’s Yoweri Museaveni made a cameo appearance in late 2010. Erdogan’s visit was brief but memorable. Not only did he come himself, but he also brought his family along. Mr. Erdogan was depicted by the media as a “caring Islamist” with a charitable heart who had upbraided the West for failing to help famine-stricken Somalia. “It’s impossible for us to be spectators to the human tragedy in Africa,” he declared. His visit to Mogadishu, during the month of Ramadan, drew wide acclamation from many Somalis who were harboring an increasingly dimmer view of the world for its abandonment of their country for the last two decades. Somalis, all of sudden, became infatuated with Turkey. The name “Istanbul” became the hottest name in Mogadishu for new-born baby girls. Somali commentators, interestingly, started drooling over and glorifying Turkey and its leader. The Turks, in turn, sent food, experts, and even awarded 700 scholarships to Somali students. Alas, even the leading opposition leader in Turkey, Kemal Kilicdaroglu, concerned about being out-shined by his political rival (Erdogan), came to Somalia and hugged a few mal-nutritioned children.
Turkish Prime Minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, was, perhaps, the first high ranking world leader to have visited Somalia since Uganda’s Yoweri Museaveni made a cameo appearance in late 2010. Erdogan’s visit was brief but memorable. Not only did he come himself, but he also brought his family along. Mr. Erdogan was depicted by the media as a “caring Islamist” with a charitable heart who had upbraided the West for failing to help famine-stricken Somalia. “It’s impossible for us to be spectators to the human tragedy in Africa,” he declared. His visit to Mogadishu, during the month of Ramadan, drew wide acclamation from many Somalis who were harboring an increasingly dimmer view of the world for its abandonment of their country for the last two decades. Somalis, all of sudden, became infatuated with Turkey. The name “Istanbul” became the hottest name in Mogadishu for new-born baby girls. Somali commentators, interestingly, started drooling over and glorifying Turkey and its leader. The Turks, in turn, sent food, experts, and even awarded 700 scholarships to Somali students. Alas, even the leading opposition leader in Turkey, Kemal Kilicdaroglu, concerned about being out-shined by his political rival (Erdogan), came to Somalia and hugged a few mal-nutritioned children.
According to Huffington Post, Turkey donated about $300 million to Somalia far more than other countries—including $130 million from USA, $50 million from Saudi Arabia, $41 million from Kuwait, $40 million from United Arab Emirates, $1 million from South Africa, and the $50 million the African Union (AU) member- states raised for the Somali famine. The famous Senegalese artist, Youssou N’dour, lashed out at African leaders for not showing up at an AU- sponsored conference, held in Addis Ababa on Aug. 25, to discuss the Somali famine (20 of the 54 countries- sent representatives, with only several presidents in attendance) yet many African head of states went to Paris when the French president Nicolas Sarkozy called them to talk about the situation in Libya.
But Erdogan’s visit, despite the hyperbole by Somali pundits, is not bereft of politics. Not only is Erdogan the leader of Turkey, but he has been positioning himself to be the undisputed political leader of the Muslim world. Turkey oversees the day-to-day management of the Organization of the Islamic Cooperation (OIC), a league for the 57 Muslim states in the world. Moreover, Erdogan, until few weeks ago, was under heavy attack from the Turkish press for his lukewarm support of the Arab uprising. (He has since redeemed himself when he visited Egypt, Tunisia, and Libya last month.) A visit to Somalia was tantalizing and, perhaps, a diversion from the storm back home.
What does Turkey wants from Somalia?
The question might seem sacrilegious given the current state of Somalia as a failed state. In reality, Somalia has a lot to offer to countries like Turkey or Iran. Mogadishu still holds some cards. Somalia resembles the situation of the young woman who, unable to get a mate, unleashed her frustration on her girlfriend. The latter snapped, “Honey, relax; you are single. You are not dead.” Somalia, with all its tragic experiences of civil war, religious extremism, famine, and piracy, cannot be ruled as a nonentity, and, hence, dead. It is still a country with millions of people in its territory, and has membership in international bodies such as the United Nations, the African Union, the Arab League, and the OIC. Somalia still exports livestock and banana abroad even though it lacks an effective federal government. Turkey’s foreign policy, under Erdogan, is to project itself as an economic and regional powerhouse. Somalia can serve as a steppingstone for Turkey to showcase its diplomatic presence in Africa and exercise its strategic ambitions.
Unlike Somali media sites, the Turks view Ankara’s engagement with Somalia from purely diplomatic and economic interests, with less emphasis on humanitarian aid. Turkey is one of the fastest growing economies in the world, and it has commercial interests in Africa. One example, according to Sabah, a leading Turkish newspaper, Turkey exported $7.27 billion to Africa in 2010 and imported $6.4 billion from the African continent. Turkey gained crucial African votes when it got elected to the UN’s powerful body; the Security Council. That same newspaper summarized Turkey’s recent engagement with Somalia in a telling headline, “Turkey to Raise Africa’s Profile with Somalia Engagement.” After Erdogan’s visit to Mogadishu, Turkey’s Foreign Minister, Ahmet Davutoglu, immediately flew to South Africa and Ethiopia for official visits.
The Saudi delegation, incidentally, was led by Prince Alwaleed bin Talal, a nephew of King Abdullah and a well-known billionaire. Though he is not an official figure with the Saudi government, the prince was in Somalia as a representative of the royal family. He visited some of the victims of the famine, and met with Somali officials including President Sheikh Sharif Sh. Ahmed. The prince was the most forthcoming of all those foreign dignitaries who came to Somalia. He told the press that he had met with the Somali president and discussed “the current situation and also future business investments.”
Yes, indeed, future business interests!
The famous Egyptian comedian, Hamadah Sultan, used to tell a joke about a man whose father had died. The man buys a newspaper advertisement. First, he scribbles, “Abu-Qatadah bereaves for his father,” but found the sentence too short. Since he paid for the 10-word ad, Abu-Qatadah figured, he might as well take full advantage of the space and inject a personal commercial appeal. Therefore, he posted, “Abu-Qatadah bereaves for his father and, incidentally, he repairs watches.” Foreign leaders, of course, have lent a helping hand to starving Somalis. But let us not forget that, their benevolence has underlying self-interest. In other words, their overtures are dictated by state interests. Fortunately, the starving people in Somalia, while grateful to these foreign politicians, do not care where the next sack of rice comes from.
