Who is Advising the New Somali President?

Over the last two weeks, Somalia has experienced seismic political changes. A sitting president, Shaikh Sharif Ahmed, found himself left in the dust by a newcomer, Hassan Sh. Mohamoud, who defeated him in a landslide. The Al-Shabab group has started a massive campaign of suicide bombings in Mogadishu that have led to the death of many people, including a parliamentarian. The new president has given several interviews, but he has yet−until the writing of this article−to appoint a prime minister. While it is difficult to gauge his intentions, Mohamoud has so far made proclamations that are reassuring to a country that was torn apart by radicalism, civil war, and dysfunction. But he has also said things that make some people scratch their head.

In an interview with the VOA, Mohamoud made remarks that appeared to show his naiveté. He pleaded with “his friends” not to be upset with him if he did not appoint them as prime minister. The logical question is: Mr. President, how many people are we talking about? There are at least two verified cases in which Mohamoud and two other politicians –both highly educated –made an agreement with Mohamoud only for the new president to forsake them. These two individuals were promised the plum job of prime minister and are ruing because they feel double-crossed. The new president, in fairness, has yet to address this matter. But one thing is clear, Mohamoud is a politician committed to getting what he wants, even if it means engaging in equivocation.

There is the issue of the Al-Shabab and how to deal with the group. Mohamoud provided the usual rhetoric of Somali politicians when he stated that the young radical Al-Shabab fighters “are our children” and that they have been misled. Children who have been misled! The days of such double-talk are over because, first, Al-Shabab militants are not children but adults committed to killing their enemies. Second, no one would give legitimacy to a group that is losing battles and territories, and on its way to extinction. While the days of Al-Shabab, as we now know it, are numbered, the threat of radicalism is still present. Another group with similar ideology, but a different name, is likely to emerge after the Al-Shabab with unbridled vigor to resist reform. The outgoing interior minister has even gone so far as to offer factory jobs to Al-Shabab fighters; if they abandon the militant group. One might wonder; how one deals with terrorists who may have killed and maimed; without first conducting an investigation and then serving justice.

Somaliland is another matter that the new president highlighted−as Somalis say “wuu ku simbiriiraxday” (he has slipped) −when he naively made two contradictory statements. On one hand, he wished that things would be the way they were in 1960 when Somaliland joined its brethren in the south and formed one state under one flag. However, the president also said that “no one will be forced into Somali unity.” That statement was confusing to the people in Somaliland, a self-declared state, who were busy sending congratulatory messages to the new president. It is obvious that the new president and his coterie of advisors in Villa Somalia have not yet formed a well-thought -out and clear policy regarding key issues such as Somaliland and neighboring countries. It would have been better if Mohamoud had waited until he appointed a prime minister to issue confusing statements. A seasoned politician would focus on the major priority of the new regime which is −as the president himself said, “Security, Security, and Security.” Somaliland is an issue that should not consume the government when the south itself is in shambles. The new president, of course, gets the benefit of the doubt and these mishaps can be forgiven because, after all, he is a rookie.

This brings us to the question of who is advising the new president. There are, so far, three close advisors that we know of: Farah Abdulkhadir, Abdikarim H. Guled, and Dr. Mohamed Ali Dodishe.

Farah Abdulkhadir is the man mentioned as the major presidential advisor. Abdulkhadir is a member of the parliament and one of the people who encouraged Mohamoud to run for the presidency. The two are believed to be good friends and share the same approach in dealing with Somalia’s pernicious problems. Abdulkhadir was, until recently, a manager of the Kuwait-based Islamic organization named AMA (Africa Muslims Agency), and has a degree in Islamic studies. He is, of course, an Islamist and a bright individual. Contrary to rumors that he is the power behind the president, Abdulkhadir is an advisor with whom the president feels comfortable. All indications are that Mohamoud is his own man and, hence, does not carry water for anyone.

Dr. Mohamed Ali Dodishe is another close advisor of the new president and a longtime friend. Dodishe was once the head of the Al-Shahid Centre for Research and Media Studies, an Islamic nonprofit group. He is not as well-known as his father: Ahmed Shaikh Ali Ahmed Burale, a onetime faction leader from Jubbaland and a former leader of the Somalia National Front (SNF). Burale was once the head of the Somalia Appellate Court and a legal advisor to President Abdiqassim Salad Hassan. He had written books in Somali and even translated the classic literary book, Kalila Wa Dimna, by Abdalla Ibn Moqfa’a, which is a collection of fables of people and animals. For those who know Dr. Dodishe, he is an intellectual who articulates his thoughts frankly, but he is also cautious to a fault.

Abdikarim Hussein Guled is one of the top leaders, and perhaps, the most respected figure of Dam al-Jadid (New Blood) and a key advisor of President Mohamoud. Guled became the the head of AMA after Farah Abdulkhadir had left. He is best known for being the chief of FPENS (Formal Private Education Network in Somalia). A source familiar with Guled has described him as “the brain and the person who understands the complexity of Mogadishu the most.”

While any president has the right to surround himself with friends and loyalists, it takes guts and a high level of self-confidence to seek out opposing viewpoints. Barack Obama shocked the world when he made his once avowed political rival in the Democratic Party primaries− Hillary Clinton− his secretary of state. The new president has to prove to the country that he has –aside from his friends of Dam al-Jadid − an array of advisors who can be frank with him and who form the microcosm of Somali society: women, non-Islamists, traditional elders, and the youth. He is, after all, the president of all Somalia and not just the leader of one group.

Who Will Be Somalia's Next PM?

The new Somali president, Hassan Sh. Mohamoud, did not have much time to rest after his victory; the next day, a group of masked men attempted to kill him in a failed suicide mission. Then, unconfirmed reports claimed that his private email was hacked. The biggest task ahead of the president now is to appoint a prime minister, a job which has attracted all kinds of seekers and dreamers.

Former Somali president, Siad Barre, used to say, “It is not who you are [clan wise] but what you know.” In an ideal situation in which knowledge and competence matter, someone like Dr. Ahmed I. Samatar, a former journalist (BBC) and a professor of political science for 30 years in the US, would be a shoo-in for either the office of the presidency or the premiership. Samatar and Mohamoud became close friends during the presidential campaign because they had the similar priorities in saving the country. According to sources close to both men, there was even a gentleman’s agreement between the two. However, no one knows for sure if Mohamoud had similar agreements with other candidates. Moreover, Samatar is not Darod, and, in a political environment where clans matter, his chances are slim. Those advising the new president have the understanding that the next prime minister should be Darod. The challenge is to determine which sub-clan. So far, the Majertein and the Marehan are neck and neck in the competition for the position. The Marehan might have a better chance because they have history on their side. Since the Abdiqassim regime, there have been five Darod prime ministers (three Majertein, a Dhulbahante, and a Marehan). The Majertein, obviously, have taken more than their share in filling that position, thus, It will not be a surprise if history is repeated. Dr. Ali Khalif Galeyr, a Dhulbahante, is also in contention for the position but his success is not likely.

Dr. Mohamed Sh. Ali “Doodishe,” is a name on the minds of many, according to sources very close to the president. A political scientist by training, Doodishe graduated on and taught in Sudan. He is Marehan and boasts a special characteristic: He is a member of the New Blood, an Islamic group that counts on the new president. While Doodishe fulfills the clan requirement, he is not likely to cause political headaches for the president for several reasons. First, he is an Islamist from the New Blood, a group the president ideologically identifies with, and the two might have the same outlook and plan for the government. Second, according to the new constitution, the president has the power to appoint the prime minister but cannot dismiss him or her. Every Transitional Federal Government (TFG) was hampered by the endemic power struggle between its president and prime minister. This problem may no longer be as acute as it was previously because the powers of each position are clearly now delineated. “Wouldn’t it be easier for you, M. President,” Mohamoud has been told by his advisors, “to have a prime minister from our group that we can handle instead of an outsider?” According to the people very privy to the president’s thinking, he hasn’t made up his mind, but he finds the idea of Dr. Doodishe as prime minister interesting.

Doodishe, while a friend and a colleague of the new president, brings baggage of his own. It will seem unwise for an Islamist president to appoint another Islamist as prime minister. This could be problematic, because too much concentration of power in the hands of the Islamists in the executive branch torpedoes efforts of reconciliation, discourages coalition-building, and promotes the abuse of power.

If Doodishe is not selected, the other Marehan contenders are Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajo, Abdiwahab Elmi Omar “Goonjeex,” and Saacid Farah Garaad (Shirdon). The latter once came close to being appointed as prime minister in the government of Shaikh Sharif only for Farmajo to get the nod in the eleventh hour. Farmajo was a prime minister for six months and gathered mixed responses from people. He has many supporters who believe that he is clean, competent, and a nationalist. The latter is an attribute that has lost traction recently in Somali politics. But then, there are others who view Farmajo as someone who lacks political acumen, and might be a liability if the new president wants to court Puntland. That illustrates an example of what I call “the Farole factor.”

Dr. Abdirahman Sh. Mohamed “Farole” is president of Puntland. Under the new federal system adopted by Somalia, Puntland is an entity that cannot be ignored. Farole has recently intimated that Puntland might entertain the idea of deciding its future (a euphemism for secession) if a certain political leader were elected as president. That ‘certain’-leader was the former president Shaikh Sharif who lost to the new president. Farole, however, was quick to welcome the selection of President Mohamoud. The new president, of course, would need to work with Farole and Puntland, but one might ask; at what price? Will Farole have a say in the selection of the new Darod prime minister? The president has the right to appoint whomever he wants, but clan politics is a matter that involves deliberate consideration. If the Farole factor is as important as some perceive, then the new president would want to maintain working relations with Puntland. Consequently, some potential candidates for the premiership; Farmajo, Galeyr and Abdiweli, might be out. Each of these politicians has had falling out with Puntland’s strong man; Farmajo for marginalizing Puntland when he was prime minister; Galeyr for being a leader of Khatumo State, and Abdiweli for not heeding to Farole during the adoption of the new constitution, the naming of both the Elders Group and members of the parliament from Puntland. It was apparent that Abdiweli, himself a Puntlander, did not want to pander to Farole.

Abdiweli did well during his short stint as prime minister and might be re-appointed. The outgoing government headed by Shaikh Sharif and Abdiweli as its Prime Minister—in conjunction with AMISOM forces and the UN Envoy to Somalia, Ambassador Mahiga-- deserve much credit for 1) the expulsion of al-Shabab from many parts of the south, including Mogadishu, 2) the writing and adoption of the new constitution, and 3) the ending of the transitional period of the government. Moreover, he brought Puntland on board. Abdiweli’s detractors, however, emphasize the allegations of graft against him, President Shaikh Sharif and former speaker of the parliament, Sharif Hassan, by the United Nations’ Monitoring Group for Eritrea and Somalia. Abdiweli’s critics do not consider him an agent of change, and some see his close relationship with Kenya, a neighboring country which has strong territorial, economic and political interests in Somalia, disturbing.

Other Darod contenders such as Hussein Khalif (Majertein), Dr. Abdirahman Hashi (Dhulbahante), Saeed Abdullahi Dani (Majertein), and Abdirizak Osman Juriile (Dishiishe), interestingly seem to have the alleged support of Farole. Engineer Mohamoud Jama Hamud (Warsangeli) is a northerner who is also a contender, and he believes that he is uniquely qualified to work on the unification of the Somali communities.

Finally, the new president came from nowhere to trounce a sitting president. He might surprise many by appointing a newcomer, just as he is.

Somalia's New President: A Victory for Islamic Groups

On Monday, Somalia selected a new president, Hassan Sh. Mohamoud, an Islamist. Mohamoud has been an Islamic activist for a long time. He is counted as one of the sympathizers of the New Blood, a group of Islamists who broke away from al-Islah, Somalia’s Muslim Brotherhood, during the reign of the Islamic Courts Union. I use the word “counted,” because there is no record of Mohamoud as a member of any Islamic group. What is not in doubt is the fact that he is an Islamist of the Muslim Brotherhood persuasion. Rival candidate Abdurrahman Baadiyow, on the other hand, has been a member of al-Islah more than two decades.

One phenomenon that was apparent during Monday’s selection process was the prevalence of Islamists among the candidates best able to generate votes in the first round of the election. For instance, four of the six highest vote getters were Islamists: Hassan Sh. Mohamoud, Sheikh Sharif Ahmed, Abdurrahman Baadiyow, and Abdulkhadir Ossoble. Each of these four candidates is believed to represent four different trends: Tajamuc or Ala-Sheikh (Shaikh Sharif), al-Islah (Baadiyow), Ossoble (al-Ictisaam) and Mohamoud (the New Blood). Professor Afyare Elmi of Qatar University was prescient when he predicted in 2010 that Islamists would rule Somalia one day. The Arab Spring has brought the Islamic movements to the forefront of political power.

One can confidently say that the four Islamists did a remarkable job garnering votes. Baadiyow was articulate and bold in his presidential campaign speech before the Somali parliament which he declared that the current Transitional Federal Government leaders were failures. He did not get the votes that he had hoped; the recent turmoil in al-Islah did not make things easier for him. The good news is that the Islamists are more likely to learn from this new political experience. Still, the Islamists in Somalia have not reached the level at which they can mobilize the masses for political purposes and win elections. They are in an early stage where personality dominates the political process rather than the institutions. The new president did not win because he is the founder/leader of a political party called Peace and Development Party (PDP). He won, in part, by forging alliances with various clans and capitalizing on the lawmakers’ dissatisfaction with the status quo.

Somalia, like Tunisia and Egypt, will test Islamist leaders who are at the helm. Muslims in these countries have granted Islamists a chance because they see them as clean and not corrupt. Now, the ball is in the courts of the Islamists. Will they rule by building coalitions and leading by example? Will they be tolerant, unifiers, and fight for justice and equality before the law?

Many Somalis are optimistic that Somalia is headed in the right direction. It was impossible, two years ago, to move around Mogadishu safely. Today, the country is enjoying relative peace, and the days of chaos, political cannibalism, and warlords are behind us. US Republican Senator Mitch McConnell said in 2010 that he wanted President Obama to fail. Many of us, on the contrary, are praying for Somalia’s new president to succeed.

Faqash

A young Somali northerner in Toronto, who was born and raised in Mogadishu, has become a fervent supporter of Somaliland and its causes. In other words, as it is said in left-wing parlance, he has become “more Marxist than Marx.” He hangs out with die-hard Somalilanders and attends their political and social events. However, the young man has never been to Somaliland and, in fact, has never traveled beyond the city of Jowhar, which is 100 km north of Mogadishu.

One day, an elderly man new to the group approached the ‘funny’-speaking young man and asked him:

“Who are you?”

“I am Isaaq,” responded the young man.

“Isaaq is a big tribe; what is your sub-clan?”

“Habar Yonis.”

“Habar Yonis is a large sub-clan.”

The young man was baffled and, in a sign of desperation, asked the men if they could, perhaps, name for him some of the sub-clans of Habar Yonis.” “ii soo yeeriya,” he said. The men consented.

“Isihaaq?”

“No.”

“Muuse Carre?”

“No.”

“Abdalla Ismail?”

“No.”

“Reer Caynaanshe?”

The young man jumped from his chair and screamed, “Barobiyo!” (The actual word ‘proprio’ is Italian and means ‘definitely.’)

The young man, after that true incident, was dubbed “Barobiyo.”

Being given an unwanted nickname can be frustrating.

The first time I heard the word “Faqash” was in May 1991 in Djibouti. I was there to collect my mother and cousin, who were arriving from Mogadishu. I stayed in Hotel De Djibouti, which was owned and operated by an Isaaq man named Saeed. Because many people were fleeing Somalia, the hotel was fully booked. I roomed with an elderly Isaaq man, Jama, who had been wounded in the leg. He had a good business in Mogadishu and owned big tractors. In the mayhem of the civil war, Jama was shot by an unidentified bandit. He grilled me about who I was and where I had come from, and I took no offense to his line of questioning. Once he realized that I was visiting from the US and that I originally hailed from Afgooye, he became more relaxed.

At noon, Djibouti, a hot and humid city, would come to a standstill. Most of the residents stayed home in the comfort of air conditioners. That was also the time of day when the consumption of khat, a mild stimulant plant, reached its zenith. Being a non-khat consumer, I used to leave the hotel room and hang with my friend, Mohamoud Haji Abdillahi Diriye, an Isaaq merchant from Hargeisa. Jama and his friends stayed in the hotel chewing khat and ruminating on all kinds of topics. No subject was sacred. By the time I came back to the room in the evening, Jama would tease me, “waaryaa Faqash, maxaa cusub?” (Hey you Faqash, what’s up?) I did not ask Jama and his friends what the word “Faqash” meant. Frankly, I thought it was a nickname or a purely nonsensical word. To me, the word sounded more or less like “fuunto,” a word southerners use to refer to a spoiled egg. The men laughed at the utterance of the word Faqash and I laughed at them for engaging in khat-induced silly chatter.

When I returned to California, some of my friends from the north asked me about my brief trip to Djibouti. I told them that I had actually stayed in a hotel owned by a Qaldaan, (northerner) and had another Qaldaan, as a roommate. Then I cursorily added, “But they kept calling me “Faqash.” My friends burst out laughing and, since that day, they have called me “Hassan Faqash.” They did, however, tell me the origin of the word “Faqash.” During the civil war in the north, the soldiers of the Somali government were called “Faqash.” The word means “the noise boots/shoes make or the way they rattle.” The fleeing soldiers, who had committed a litany of horrible acts in the north, hence, were dubbed “Faqash.”

Then, as years passed, the word started to take on a life of its own.

Some people refer to anyone who worked for the Siad Barre regime or supported his government as Faqash. Oddly, the Isaaq government officials who remained in Barre’s regime until his fall fit into that category too.

Some people have started using it exclusively to refer to the Darod.

Then in 2011, I had an encounter with an Isaaq teen that was born and raised in California. This young man is Sacad Muuse, but his mother is Harti. For the first time in his life, he ventured out of the US and visited Hargeisa. He was excited to be among his kith and kin and began mastering Somali, of course with a distinct northern accent.

When he came back to the US, the first question he asked me was “Adeer, qolamaa tahay?” (Uncle, what is your clan?”)

I have known this young man since his infancy, and he has known me merely as a Somali man and a friend of his parents. However, this time, he wanted to get to know me even better and I felt honored.

Then, he dropped a bombshell.

“Uncle, I will never marry an Isaaq woman.”

“Why not?”

“My aunts in Hargeisa were always badmouthing my mother.”

“How?”

“Well, they would say, ‘Islaantaa Faqashta ah” (that Faqash woman).

I told the young man about my story in Djibouti and appealed to him not to reach foregone conclusions.

He was somewhat pleased to hear my explanation of the word ‘Faqash’ because the term was not yet pejorative.

After the young man left, I kept questioning whether my assessment was actually right.

My Isaaq friends call me Faqash from time to time, even though I am not Darod nor have I ever worked for the government of Siad Barre, yet I am never offended by it.

Do some people use the word to discriminate against others or deride an entire tribe?

There is a great deal of sensitivity among some people regarding the word. The fact that the word is loosely used against all kinds of people today does not in itself make it pejorative.

Perhaps, the word is in the midst of a natural evolution.

Yesterday, it was Siad Barre’s soldiers!

Today, it is refereed to all southerners and whoever is being teased.

Tomorrow, it might be used against someone else.

However, the fact is, it is not specific to one group.