I Dream of Mogadishu

I have not seen Mogadishu since 1987.


In fact, I have not lived in my hometown since 1978. But I visited it briefly—not more than two weeks each time—about four times between 1978 and 1987.

The Somali civil war finally reached Mogadishu in January 1991 when President Siad Barre and his supporters were driven out of the city. What happened next in the capital is beyond comprehension. Thousands of people were killed by Barre’s fleeing soldiers, others because they belonged to the wrong clan, and many were caught in the cross-fire of renegade fighters. Thousands were uprooted, and the city was destroyed by marauding armed militias. Government buildings were looted and damaged. Many of the residents suffered continuous bombardment from warring factions and ended up being killed or wounded while others fled to the countryside or flocked to neighboring countries, especially Kenya. Today, at least 600,000 Somali refugees still live in Dhadab camp, on the Kenyan side of the border.

The destruction that occurred in Mogadishu was unfathomable. Keith Richburg, a Washington Post reporter, wrote a vivid portrayal of the city in the early 1990s in his interesting book, Out of America: A Black Man Confronts Africa (1997):

“When I first saw Mogadishu in 1992, the capital looked like a transplanted set from

“Mad Max” movies, about a surreal post-nuclear world where scavengers survive by

slapping together debris and bits of scrap metal. Mogadishu hadn’t gone through a

nuclear inferno−but it seemed about as close as you could come in an urban setting.”

According to Richburg, sections of Mogadishu were so dangerous that a “Green Line” divided the warring factions, a term aptly borrowed from Beirut during Lebanon’s civil war. One particularly dangerous and treacherous section was called “Bosnia.” The American government’s brief humanitarian intervention in Somalia was preceded by an opinion article in the Washington Post penned by its flamboyant ambassador in Nairobi, Smith Hempstone, who warned about sending troops there. The piece was fittingly titled, “If you liked Beirut, you will love Mogadishu.” In essence, Mogadishu became a derelict and dilapidated city.

The armed militias took the entire city hostage in their bellicose pursuit of hegemony. They became unhinged in a shocking display of brutality and terror toward residents. People in the city were unable to extricate themselves from the situation. As a result, they led a regimented existence created by a culture of fear. Mogadishu residents experienced high unemployment because all the major institutions and businesses were destroyed. It was a situation just like that encountered by the late Arab-American reporter of the New York Times, Anthony Shadid. In his memoir, A House of Stone (2012), Shadid referred to his ancestral home of Lebanon during its civil war as “tribes bereft of citizenship.”

One thing that has gone viral on the internet, and even in some books, is the notion of juxtaposing old images of serene Mogadishu and the newer pictures: a contrast of growth vs. destruction, civilization vs. decay, peace vs. war, and normalcy vs. anarchy.

Mogadishu is the same city that the famous Moroccan traveler, Ibn Batuta, visited in 1331 and found to be steeped in history and tradition. Mogadishu was prosperous, diverse, and well connected to the world markets. Men, the Arab traveler said, were hefty eaters to the extent that they appeared corpulent with protruding stomachs. To the keen traveler, the city seemed prosperous and lively. In the 1990s, oddly, there were rumors in Mogadishu that incoming travelers were weighed at the old military airport in Balli Doogle for ransom purposes. Rumor had it that if you had extra pounds you were likely to pay more money to protect yourself from kidnapping. That is when appearance became deadly.

I was in California when streams of Somali refugees arrived there in1991 and afterward. Before their arrival, the Somali community was small and cohesive. We visited each other, occasionally ate together, and helped the needy. The arrival of droves of Somalis fresh from Somalia, a country that had abysmally failed, was jarring. Refugees from various clans who hated each other were placed in San Diego. However, although resentment and suspicion permeated their relationships, they were not in a position to engage in violence.

I used to see two friends who drank tea together every day in a fast food restaurant. They belonged to the same clan but were from two different sub-clans. One day, I noticed the two were no longer socializing. When I inquired about the reason for their estrangement, one of them told me that they had a falling out because of recent flare-ups of fighting in the port city of Kismayo. It was apparent then that the Somali civil war had reached San Diego sans violence.

My mother stayed in Mogadishu for the first few months of the civil war. She was attacked with gunfire once when a group of marauding gangs robbed her in her house. My cousin, Shukri, was fourteen and she suffered a minor injury when a splinter hit her arm. When the fighting got intense, my mother fled to Afgooye to my brother-in-law’s villa. A militia headed by Colonel Ahmed Omar Jess, a warlord, occupied Afgooye and forced my mother out of the villa. She and my cousin returned to her home. My mother did not want to leave her house until my sister persuaded her to leave. She flew to neighboring Djibouti where I met her and arranged an entry visa to the U.S for her and my cousin. She arrived in San Diego in May 1991.

I can only speculate that my mother went through two stages after her escape from Mogadishu: stress and indifference. In the beginning, she was edgy, worried, and apprehensive about what the future held for her in America. She initially thought that the civil war back home would subside and that she would be able to return to her beloved city of Mogadishu and her villa. My mother always wanted to have her own house when my sister and I were growing up, but she couldn’t afford it. Only after the two years when my sister and I left the country−in 1977 and 1978, respectively−was my mother able to purchase a house. She was so proud of her house that she became distraught when she left Mogadishu. Her neighbors agreed to look after the villa in her absence. However, my mother never returned to Mogadishu and passed away in San Diego eighteen years after her arrival.

Several years after her arrival in California, my mother started showing indifference to Mogadishu. She no longer talked about the city or her house. She had spent 40 years in the region of Benadir, of which Mogadishu is the capital, and only 20 years in Qardho, her birthplace. When I offered several times to take her to Somalia for a two-month vacation, she declined. Her usual answer was astonishing: “What am I going to do there?” She had accepted the reality that the civil war in Mogadishu was not winding down but instead intensifying. To her, Mogadishu slid slowly into an abyss.

I have never lost hope for Mogadishu. Somehow, I knew that the city would recover from its destruction and decay. One thing I had faith in was the people of Mogadishu−the ones who fled, the ones who stayed, and others who joined them afterward. Those who fled kept up with news of the city. I saw people from Hargeisa who would tell me about their good memories of Mogadishu. They missed it as much as the people who called the capital home. The city had captivated them intensely. There is something magical about Mogadishu. The city has the capacity to shape its residents regardless of their background. It molds them as time goes by and exposes their softer sides. Mogadishu provides ample scope for acceptance, compassion, and forgiveness. It is an ancient city that has always been rich in its tapestry of people.

Although the capital has a long way to go in terms of recovering from its devastation, there are glimmers of hope that people are coming together. Some of those who fled are back−not only reclaiming their properties, but also feeling confident in their safety. People who would have been hunted two decades ago are building businesses in the city and are now an integral part of the new Somalia. These people have shattered the psychological barrier that crippled them and made them prisoners to their fear and biases. They thought they would be killed and ostracized. Instead, they have found their brethren welcoming them with open arms. Of course, there have been cases in which returnees were murdered by criminal elements. However, this does not represent the majority of Mogadishu residents who no longer believe that the capital must be devoid of its original residents.

I believe there is hope in the reconstruction of Mogadishu−not just in building houses, but also in building trust and confidence. Mogadishu residents are doing just that, even if incrementally. Rome, after all, was not built in a day, and so it is with Mogadishu. The city’s past mood of utter despondency has been replaced with feelings of hope for rejuvenation. Yes, residents were subjected to a great deal of trauma, but people had time to wallow in that trauma. Now they are war-weary and, above all, they have become, as rational choice theory proponents would say, committed to wanting more rather than settling for less than good. They want to maximize their personal advantage by doing what is healthy for the long term.

The Canadian comic Jim Carey, in Dumb and Dumber, makes an interesting revelatory statement. After chasing a beautiful married woman cross -country, he finally asks her about the chances of the two ever living together happily. “Not good,” is her stark answer. But Carey’s character is not the type who takes no for an answer. Above all, he wants a percentage estimate of their likely union and pleads with her to give him a number. “You mean not good like one out of a hundred?” he asks. The woman clarifies, “I would say more like one out of a million.” Carey is quiet for a minute and finally bursts out, “So you are telling me there is a chance!” He may be statistically challenged but he is definitely looking at the positive.

I am too old to feign naiveté and too smart to be pessimistic. The grim axiom defining Mogadishu is that a bright future is emerging. It is slowly recovering. I may be unable to erase the past, but at least I am not bitter. I am optimistic that my beloved city is not yet fully formed; it has something else to reveal.

Yes, there are still plenty of chances.

*This article is excerpted from the author’s new book, Mogadishu Memoir, which will be published soon.

Is Shirdon an Asset or a Bust?

An unusual confluence of events transpired in Mogadishu last week. Last Monday, President Mohamoud visited Baidoa and asked a crowd there whom they wanted to be prime minister. “Farmajo fadaane,” (We want Farmajo) was the answer. A source told me a few days later, on Thursday night, the Abgaal imam and the ugas of Hawadle dined with President Mohamoud. The two chieftains told the president that they had come for two things: “Faataxo iyo Farmajo” (Fatiha and Farmajo). Fatiha is the first and the most important chapter of the Quran, and Farmajo was a former prime minister. The request before the president was simple and straightforward: appoint Farmajo as prime minister, and we will recite the Quranic verses and pray for you. The president was respectful of his guests but remained non-committal. On Saturday, Mohamoud named Abdi Farah Shirdon as his prime minister. Shirdon, if approved, will be the sixth prime minister since 2004 and the fourth since 2009.

Shirdon, 54, is not the most qualified person the president had interviewed for the job. When George Bush Senior selected Dan Quayle as his running mate, he received a scathing criticism from many, including some powerful Republicans. What shocked Americans was Bush’s response, when he described Quayle as the most qualified person for the job. Quayle was anything but qualified to be vice president. A comedian aptly summarized it when he said, “Why is everybody against Dan Quayle? He has done nothing!” As my colleague Mukhtar Omer has eloquently articulated, the month-long waiting for the naming of a mediocre prime minister was, at best, disappointing. Shirdon graduated from the Somali National University in 1983 with a degree in economics. Apart from a two-year stint in the ministries of finance and agriculture as an economist, Shirdon has no experience in government. He was a businessman for many years, although the nature of his business is not clear. The official biography about him that Villa Somalia has issued to the media is a half-page and pathetic. For one thing, it is bereft of any details about what Shirdon did, not to mention that it is full of basic grammatical errors.

On April 28, 2012, Shirdon founded the Rajo (Hope) Forum. The only interview he has ever given was with Somali Channel TV after the formation of his group. He outlined his philosophy and his proposed solution for Somalia’s problems. His talk was a blend of nationalism and political realism. Shirdon said Somalia had become a battleground for foreign troops (AMISOM) and Al-Qaeda forces. “Somalia is for Somalis,” he stated. Shirdon wants the number of foreign troops reduced −the same forces that are currently protecting both him and the president−but offers no concrete plan in securing Mogadishu. He gave lukewarm support to the Roadmap, and instead emphasized the need for a more comprehensive plan by the Somalis themselves. Shirdon favors a plan that will restore confidence and hope in the people and guarantee security in the country. How that is going to happen is never addressed. At the very least, he was somewhat truthful when he said that Rajo Forum is based in Nairobi, Mogadishu, and the central regions of Somalia.

Shirdon’s appointment has received little popular support for several reasons:

a) Shirdon is an old friend of the president and a newcomer. He was never elected to any office nor did he hold a political position. His government experience is as thin as his resume. Shirdon was primarily selected not to overshadow the new president and not to rock the boat. There are no indications that the new president is weak, but he is a newcomer who is overwhelmed by the demands of the office. He has been propelled into an arena with which he is not familiar. For many years, Mohamoud was at home in community activism where he rarely took any decisive action. Now, he spends an inordinate amount of time listening to competing groups and has difficulty saying no when he should. One attribute that is a killer in Somalia’s political stage is being ‘nice’ and giving each group the impression that the president is with them. It will take some time for President Mohamoud to assert himself. Shirdon is unlikely to challenge the supremacy of President Mohamoud.

B) Shirdon is perceived by many Darod as a token representative of their tribe. A Marehan interim prime minister, married to a Hawiye politician, and who hails from Galgudud−a region which is predominantly Hawiye− will face serious challenges from Puntland. By appointing a Marehan prime minister, President Mohamoud has made a political statement to Puntland: Drop Dead. Puntland is a big Somali region with a large number of people from various clans. The Majertein, a sub-clan of Darod, is the predominant clan there. To many Puntlanders, this is the second time in two years that a Hawiye president has appointed a Marehan prime minister, which is a slap in the face for the Majertein. Farmajo, also from Galgadud, was hostile to Puntland and ended up alienating that region. President Mohamoud, like his predecessor Shaikh Sharif, is doing the same thing. The Farmajo fiasco was short-lived, of course, and President Ahmed appointed Abdiweli Gaas Ali. If history is the guide, that is when Puntland started participating in Somali politics and became an important pillar in the implementation of the Roadmap. Puntland will be disengaged, once again, from Mogadishu and that means issues like federalism, political reconciliation, piracy, and sharing the wealth and the resources of the Somali people are out of the window. Puntland is not going to secede, but it will not be part of Somali politics for a while.

c) The recent success in Kismayo by the Kenyan Defense Forces (KDF) led to the expulsion of the radical Al-Shabab group from that important port city. President Mohamoud wants to appoint a new administration there which is totally against what he has recently been preaching that locals should select their own leaders instead of having them appointed by Mogadishu. When Mohamoud went to Baidoa and Beledwyne last week, he emphasized the need for the residents of these two important cities shaping their respective leadership. I know President Mohamoud was adamant about knowing what the potential candidates for the premiership thought of Kismayo and Somaliland. I wonder what Shirdon, who will be viewed with suspicion by some of the competing clans in Kismayo, said to the president. I guess we may never know all of the intricacies of the selection process.

d) The neighboring countries, especially Ethiopia and Kenya, are closely watching Shirdon. It is no secret that Shirdon was opposed to the Ethiopian invasion of Somalia in 2006 and the policies of President Abdullahi Yusuf. Shirdon’s views about Kenya are murky. For one thing, he is opposed to more foreign troops in Somalia. Kenya has troops in the Lower Juba and has alliance with the Ogaden in that region. The Kenyan Somali politicians, especially the influential Ogaden figures, play a crucial role in how Nairobi approaches the Lower Juba region. The manner in which the Ogaden politicians in Kenya perceive Shirdon will be interesting. The days when Mogadishu could ignore Nairobi are gone. There are more Somali refugees and immigrants today in Kenya than any other country. Somali leaders, in essence, have to take that into account.

e) Shirdon had the key backing of important figures of President Mohamoud’s New Blood Islamic group. For instance, Farah Abdulkhadir (a presidential advisor), Kamal Hassan (Chief of Staff), and Abdi Abtidon (former Minister of State for Defense), to mention a few, were in favor of Shirdon. Does that mean Shirdon, who is not an Islamist, is captive to the New Blood?

f) Finally, the people in northern Somalia were hoping to see one of their own at the helm as prime minister. A number of Somalis from many walks of life thought Dr. Ahmed Ismail Samatar would be appointed as the new prime minister in defiance of the conventional wisdom that a Hawiye president should appoint a Darod PM, and vice versa. That did not happen and President Mohamoud made the point that the premiership is a position of the south, by the south, and for the south.

Many are hoping that both President Mohamoud and Shirdon will be given the benefit of doubt. This is not the time to derail over the progress that Somalia has made for the last few weeks. That might be the best course as Shirdon and Mohamoud have both shown willingness to work together and rescue Somalia from its abyss. The lack of experience, unfortunately, has become a fait accompli, and there is not much that can be done now. Previous Somali leaders like Ali Geedi, Abdiweli, Farmajo, Shaikh Sharif, Abdullahi Yusuf, Omar Abdirashid Sharmarke, and Nur Cadde did not have experience in running the country. Abdiqassim Salad Hassan was the most experienced politician to lead Somalia since 1991, and his tenure was disastrous. While there is no substitute for experience, seasoned politicians can also be obstacles to real change because they have their myopic interests to protect.

I hope Shirdon, who is married to an activist, will give a boost to Somali women, who have been marginalized and even had their allotted slots in parliament robbed from them. Perhaps, for the first time in Somali history, there might be more women in the cabinet as opposed to a token representative who is always in charge of women’s affairs. This sexist cabinet portfolio will hopefully be abolished because Somali women do have stake in defense, education, reconstruction, transportation, foreign affairs, finance, and the security of the country. Let us all hope that tomorrow will be better than today and will give the president and the interim prime minister a chance to lead. They may shock the world and even inspire the skeptics.

The Man Who Dressed Obama in Kenya Speaks Up

Muhumad Hassan Mumin, better known as “Dhukow,” has fond memories of Barack Obama. He was, after all, the man who dressed the then-US Senator from Illinois in traditional Somali attire in 2006.

Things have never been the same for either of the two men. One became the president of the most powerful nation in the world and the other is still living in his hometown of Wajir, in northeast Kenya, still a respected Elder.

In an exclusive interview with Radio Wardheer on Monday, Dhukow, 83, said he never imagined that Obama would become the president of the United States.

Obama was a senator at the time who had interest in visiting in Dhukow’s part of the world, he said.

The picture of Obama in traditional Somali elder garb became sensational a year later when the senator from Illinois declared his intention to run for the office of the American presidency. Speculation was rife that Obama, who is Christian, was a secret Muslim.

Dhukow also got his 15 minutes of fame when the world saw him dressing Obama.

“People still call me Obama,” said Dhukow, laughing.

But Barack Obama and people in his campaign were not laughing when the image went viral on the internet. Matt Drudge, the influential blogger, first posted the picture but all indications were that the Hillary Clinton campaign, Obama’s main rival in the Democratic primaries, had something to do with airing it.

“I just want to make it very clear that we were not aware of it, the campaign didn’t sanction it and we don’t know anything about it,” declared Clinton campaign manager Howard Wolfson.

Two Clinton Iowa volunteers, however, resigned after they were responsible for forwarding a hoax e-mail falsely claiming that Obama was Muslim and bent on destroying America.

The leaders of the Obama campaign were livid and blamed the Clinton campaign for attempting to use “divisive “tactics to scare voters away from Obama. David Plouffe, Obama’s campaign manager then accused the Clinton camp of engaging in “the most shameful, offensive fear-mongering we have seen from either party in the election.”

Obama himself attacked the Clinton campaign in an interview with WOAI radio in San Antonio, Texas. “Everybody knows that whether it is I, Senator Clinton, or Bill Clinton−that when you travel to other countries they ask you to try on traditional garb that you have been given as a gift,” said Obama.

Dhukow denied that he ever talked to the visiting Obama about religion.

“We did not have a private meeting,” asserted Dhukow.

It was Obama who had requested to meet with the Elders and local government officials, said Dhukow.

“He was our guest,” said Dhukow of Obama “and, according to our Somali tradition, we gave him a gift.”

Dhukow remembers that Obama was happy and laughing when he was dressing him. Obama even joked about the Somali sarong. The senator said that he had heard of a man wearing pants and a sarong on the top and the sarong fell off. “The man thought he was naked and people laughed at him,” Obama told the Elders.

Dhukow has seen all kinds of leaders coming to Wajir and being dressed in Somali garb. Daniel Arap Moi, former president of Kenya, and Kibaki, Kenya’s current president, also were dressed up. In addition, Dhukow was present when the daughter of the British queen and an Algerian leader visited Wajir and were in dressed traditional clothes.

Obama visited Wajir’s animal market and asked Dhukow and others about camels. He also asked questions about the American foreign aid to Wajir Hospital and how the funds were managed.

When asked if he had contacted Obama after he became president, Dhukow said no.

I thought that he would remember me and Wajir,” lamented Dhukow. There is a sense of disappointment in his voice. Nevertheless, the Elder wants Obama to win this November.

“People had told me that Obama would buy me a house or even university scholarships for my children,” Dhukow said with sadness in his voice.

So far, nothing has been forthcoming.