Wednesday, September 25, 2013

To Beat Al-Shabaab Kenya must expel its religious leader 'Sheikh Hassaan' from Nairobi

Over the last 2 years, Kenya has been one of few years successful in militarily engaging Al-Shabaab and, in fact, expelling the Al-Qaeda affiliate group from Kismayo, Somalia’s third largest city. However, the Kenyan government has been tolerating the presence of a young Somali-Kenyan radical cleric by the name of Hassan Mahad Omar AKA Hassaan Hussein Adam “Abu Salman” who is considered the unofficial mufti (a religious scholar who interprets the sharia) of Al-Shabaab.

“Sheikh Hassaan,” as he is popularly known, is not your typical cleric who teaches basic religious doctrine. He is well-educated and has a degree from an Islamic university in Saudi Arabia. He is 34 years old, articulate, sharp, and a man with a mission. He is, for all practical purposes, a scholar who does not shy away from urging his followers to wage jihad. On July 28, 2011, the United Nations Security Council Committee put Sheikh Hassaan on its sanctions list for “engaging in acts that threaten the peace, security or stability of Somalia.” Moreover, the committee accused the young cleric of acts ranging from recruitment for Al-Shabaab and fund-raising for the group to issuing fatwas that call for attacks on the Somali government. Sheikh Hassaan does not carry arms himself but instead provides the religious justification for Al-Shabaab’s heinous crimes. He is highly celebrated in websites sympathetic to the militant group.

Sheikh Hassaan has drawn the ire of Somalia’s religious establishment. In July 2012, a group of 22 Somali scholars met in Nairobi and issued a fatwa of their own, condemning the young radical as a heretic and calling on the Somalis to boycott his books and lectures.

The recent bloody discord in Al-Shabaab’s leadership saw two founders of the group killed by loyalists of the emir of the group, Ahmed Abdi Godane. Others, like Hassan Dahir Aweys and Mukhtar Robow, fled for their lives. Such actions were justified by a fatwa of Sheikh Hassaan, who said that those who create conflict among the mujahidin in Somalia should be killed. Al-Shabaab officials still use that fatwa as the religious justification for liquidating their detractors in the movement.

In 2011, the Kenyan government arrested and held Sheikh Hassaan for a few days but then released him without explanation. It is not clear why the young cleric, whose lectures are widely distributed among Somali jihadists across the globe, was let go. Some say that he is being protected by highly influential Kenyan- Somali politicians who, like Shaikh Hassaan, belong to the Darord-Ogaden clan. Others argue that, perhaps, the young cleric is so popular among Somali jihadists that his arrest might create more problems for the already over-stretched and poorly run Kenyan security forces. One thing is clear: The young cleric is mostly engaged in inciting violence and preaching jihadi ideology among his admirers who in turn direct it against the Somali government.

The Kenyan government has yet to understand that Al-Shabaab’s terrorist attacks in both Somalia and Kenya, like the recent killings in the Westgate Mall of Nairobi, are not born out of a vacuum. They are based, directly or indirectly, on fatwas issued by the group’s de facto mufti, Shaikh Hassan, from the comfort of his home in Nairobi.
 
By Hassan M. Abukar, a freelance writer and political analyst.

(Reprinted with permission from African Arguments, September 25, 2013).


Thursday, September 12, 2013

Omar Hammami: The Rise and Fall of a Foreign Jihadist

“History has proven that the Somalis generally do not want any influence from Al-Qaeda or foreigners in their internal affairs.”—Omar Hammami.


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Omar Hammami, the American jihadist with Al-Shabab, Somalia’s Al-Qaeda affiliate, was killed on Thursday by Al-Shabab fighters according to a report by AP. He was 29 years old. He had been hunted by Godane, the emir of Al-Shabab and his henchmen for over a year and half. It was only on April 25 when he tweeted that an Al-Shabab assassin shot him in the neck.

Born and raised in Daphne, Alabama, to a Syrian father and an American Baptist mother, Hammami grew up in a privileged life. He was raised as a Christian because his father was not a practicing Muslim. As a child, Hammami won awards in Sunday school. Only in his teens when the father became interested in Islam did the son become Muslim. In high school, Hammami became, in his own words, a Salafi, an individual with a literal and puritanical approach to Islam. He started dressing in a certain way and grew a big beard. His father, who by that time had become the head of the Islamic center in their hometown, was not pleased with the path his son had chosen. Hammami fit the typical profile of a confused young man with an identity crisis: He dropped out of school, had toxic relationships with his parents, had difficulty keeping a steady job, and fantasized about a future far removed from reality. Hammami’s discord with his father led to his expulsion from the family home. It became apparent that his father’s lofty expectation of Hammami becoming a doctor was never going to materialize.

Hammami held an assortment of low-wage jobs in Alabama such as counselor at the local YMCA and janitor in the very mosque of which his father was president. He did not have a lot going for him in Alabama and moved to Toronto, Canada. Once again, he worked in odd jobs such as delivering milk to Somali refugees. He met a young Somali woman and they married. The couple moved to Egypt so that Hammami could pursue a degree in Islamic studies at the prestigious Al-Azhar University. However, the young husband, and now father, was restless. He was itching to go to a Muslim country where a jihad was being waged. Somalia was an alluring prospect because in that year of 2006 the country was run by the Union of the Islamic Courts. Hammami took a flight to the United Arab Emirates without informing his wife and from there he went to Somalia. He wanted to be a martyr and ended up abandoning his wife and their infant daughter in an alien country. Hammami never saw his wife and daughter again. The couple divorced because the young wife did not want to return to Somalia, the very country she and her family had fled in the early 1990s.

Hammami found in Somalia young jihadists, some foreigners, who were in the midst of what they called ‘jihad’ against the Ethiopian troops and the Somali government forces. He felt at home and received training in guerilla warfare. In 2007, a federal warrant for his arrest was issued in the U.S.

It was a tough life for the American living in Somalia because he was in a place seemingly resigned to absolute poverty. He remained ensconced with fellow jihadists in the jungle and, at times, in small villages with no modern amenities. Food was scarce; ants were plenty and a nuisance, lions bellowed nearby, and Ethiopian army helicopters, first, and American drones, later, hovered in the skies looking for the militants. All these challenges did not frazzle Hammami: He wanted to die for the sake of God. But the young man, at the time 22, had a habit of sticking his neck out to question military strategies and criticize policies. In his 127-page autobiography that he posted online in 2012, aptly titled “American Jihadist,” Hammami stated that he was constantly labeled as a “virus” and “a trouble maker” bent on challenging authority. When some disgruntled foreign fighters decided to leave Somalia, Hammami stuck around. He saw his future in that African country. The leaders of the Al-Shabab militant group he joined in 2007 were impressed with his enthusiasm, loyalty, wry sense of humor, and his fluency in English and Arabic. Most of all, he was a white man who could make strides in recruiting young Muslims in the West. Hammami relished being a recruiter and mouthpiece for the radical group. His videos were occasionally funny and entertaining: A villainous figure that did not appear villainous on the internet.

But, then, Hammami was not one to stay quiet. He had a penchant for making trouble.

Last March, 2012, Hammami appeared on the internet claiming that Al-Shabab militants were trying to kill him because he disagreed with the group regarding the application of sharia, strategy, and the course of jihad in Somalia. The Al-Shabab leaders were not pleased with the public rants. After several months of tolerating Hammami’s “childish petulance,” the group lashed out at him and accused him of seeking fame at the expense of his fellow jihadists. It was also in that month of December 2012 that Hammami was added to the FBI’s Most Wanted list.

On April 25, 2013, an Al-Shabab assassin shot Hammami in the neck. It was not a critical injury. However, it became clear that Godane, the emir of Al-Shabab, was not letting any internal opposition to his leadership go unpunished.
Hammami was not your typical jihadi. He had a sense of humor and he employed a unique technique in appealing to would-be jihadists in the West. He sang jihadi rap songs and relished in taunting the U.S and members of the Somali government. In a way, despite his radical ideology, he was goofy. “I would also lead [fighters] in singing Nashids [Islamic songs] in an obnoxious loud voice while other people were sleeping or doing ‘serious’ things. I would also go on long passionate rants about everything that was wrong with our situation and then end it all rolling in laughter like a deranged hyena,” he said in a sardonic self-mocking way. When asked if he would ever return to America; why or why not— he replied: “The “why not” would have to be Eric Holder [the United States Attorney General], war ships, most wanted pictures, and kangaroo courts.” Hammami, in an interview with VOA two weeks ago, said that a return to Somalia was not an option “unless it was in a body bag.” Moreover, he labeled the American drones in Somalia as “racist” because “they only shoot white people.” He added for good effect, “They just want to kill off every white [fighter] they can.”

Someone had asked Hammami if he had some commonalities with the late Steve Jobs because the two were born to a Syrian father, dropped out of college, and were leaders in their respective fields. Hammami simply answered, “I never knew about him.” Hammami, however, said if given three days in Alabama, he would spend time visiting his mother, father, and sister. “Then,” he continued, “I would like to make the rounds of restaurants and get some Chinese food, some hot wings, some Nestle ice cream, some gourmet coffee, and a slew of other foods and beverages.” It is now obvious such opportunity will never come along.

Hammami’s old colleagues in the Al-Shabab group did not laugh when he started making snide remarks about Godane, the adroit manipulator and punitive leader. Godane was furious and vowed to flail the young American fighter.

Omar Hammami’s jihadist career was a nexus of religion, bravado, and self-promotion. He will best be remembered as the hip hop jihadist who ran afoul of Al-Shabab, a terrorist outfit that has never deviated from its mission to kill and maim. Jihad, as Hammami used to say, is not fun, but instead is a serious and dangerous enterprise. He was right. His death is the best confirmation.

Wednesday, September 11, 2013

Somali-American Promotes Better Turkish-Somali Relations

Ahmedei Cheikgurei is both mad and ecstatic about recent events in Somalia. He is mad because of last month’s suicide bombing in Mogadishu in which Al-Shabaab terrorists attacked the Turkish embassy. One Turkish security officer was killed; the perpetrators and half dozen others were wounded. He is ecstatic because, even after this heinous attack, the Turkish government has declared that it would not withdraw from Somalia and cease its humanitarian aid to that country.


“I never doubted that Turkey would stand by Somalia,” said Cheikgurei. “Turkish people are known for their great hospitality, moral virtue, warmth, compassion and humanity.”

Cheikgurei, a Somali-American leader and a top officer of the Turkish-Somali American Friendship Association, is quick to point out that Turkey was the first country that came to Somalia’s rescue during the massive famine in 2011 and that Prime Minister Recep Tayyib Erdogan was the first non-African leader to visit Mogadishu in more than 20 years. He brought the plight of the suffering Somalis to the world’s attention.

Both the Turkish government and the Turkish people have since donated hundreds of millions dollars to Somalia. In 2012 alone, Turkey donated $365 million.

“Turkey is building schools, hospitals, roads, and soccer stadiums, and rehabilitating the main airport, parliament building, and huge markets to spur the economy as well as offering thousands of scholarships to Somali students,” said Cheikgurei.

What separates Turkish aid to Somalia from other relief projects in Somalia is that it is concrete, unique, and observable, remarked Cheikgurei.

“The Turks in Mogadishu drive their own cars, trucks, and heavy equipment,” he said.

In contrast, Cheikgurei said the United Nations (UN) and other international non-government organizations (NGOs), are nestled in the comfort of Nairobi, Kenya, “sipping cappuccino and constantly talking about capacity building and empowerment.”

Cheikgurei sees that “arms-chair” approach to aid as counter-productive.

“How can you build capacity and empower people when you hop on a plane from Nairobi to Mogadishu every once in a while, like a tourist?” he asked.

Ahmedei Cheikgurei is no stranger to Turkey. He lived there in the 1990s and understands the country and its culture. Moreover, he speaks Turkish fluently and occasionally interprets for Turkish officials who visit the Somali communities in the U.S.

Cheikgurei, who holds an advanced degree in organization management and leadership, is also the chief executive officer of the new Global Impact Resource Group (GIRG), an international development company that provides social and humanitarian services.

“My colleagues in GIRG and I aspire to transform Somalia into a twenty-first century nation,” he explained.

Over the past 13 months alone, Cheikgurei has visited Turkey three times. He also visited his hometown, Mogadishu, and met with Somali government officials and Turkish diplomats, engineers, medical doctors, educators, and aid workers.

“Somalia can learn a lot from Turkey, especially how to run the state,” said Cheikgurei. “We Somalis are fortunate to have a country like Turkey going out of its way at this juncture of our existence to lend us a helping hand.”

Somalia desperately needs that helping hand. The country has experienced a bloody civil war that has lasted for more than 21 years. Many people have died and the country’s infrastructure has been utterly destroyed. Finally, last fall, Somalia elected a new president, Hassan S. Mohamoud, and the international community has recognized his government.

Mohamoud has publicly acknowledged Turkey’s role in helping Somalia. “The Turkish government is one of our determined and dependable allies,” he said after Al-Shabaab bombed the Turkish embassy in Mogadishu on July 27th of this year. “We have new schools and hospitals because of the [Turks] extraordinary work.”

Somalia needs what Cheikgurei calls the “Turkish model” in development. That model focuses on “needs rather than wish lists [of aid projects] made in European capitals,” he said.

Somalia, according to Cheikgurei, is on the right track in its recovery. “Thanks to friends like Turkey,” he said smiling.

Hassan M. Abukar is a freelance writer and political analyst.

(This article is reprinted with permission from Sahan Journal, September 3, 2013).