Mixed Somalis Are No Strangers to Awkward Questions

When Zulaikha, a light-skinned red head, was in kindergarten, she had an epiphany. She found out that her Somali mother was unique. At the time, Zulaikha was a student in a predominantly white school. When the young children saw a black woman picking her up after classes and sometimes volunteering at their school, they were perplexed.

“Zulaikha, are you adopted?” the children would ask. And when Zulaikha told them no, they would ask, “Then how come your mother is black?”

Zulaikha and her siblings, Amina Caddey, 25, and Yusuf Mohammad, 26, are the offspring of a white father and a Somali mother. They are also active members in the Facebook group, “Are You Half-Somali?”—a private group that is strict about who joins.

The objective of the group is clear. “It is for mixed Somalis to exchange their views, thoughts, experiences, and, most of all, positively the blessing of belonging to more than one culture.” Even though the group is private, “Non-half Somalis are welcome, but haters are not.”

The group occasionally receives nasty messages, ostensibly from some Somalis who question its intention and its very existence. These naysayers are mostly individuals who believe there is no such thing as a half-Somali. “Anyone whose father is not Somali is not Somali, these critics believe,” explains Yusuf Mohammad.

Interestingly, the majority of the half-Somali group members have Somali mothers, says Yusuf. He is also one of the administrators of the group, which includes half-Somalis of German, Native American, French, Japanese, Chinese, Arab, Finnish, and Indian ancestries. Indeed, the group is a mini-United Nations group that has one common denominator— a Somali half.

Amina Caddey likes associating with members of this diverse group. “I like to network with people who have a similar background and share with them our uniqueness,” she explains.

One day, Amina went to a student conference with her cousin, a full-blooded Somali. The cousin introduced her to another young Somali woman who was immediately shocked by Amina’s light skin. After a minute of staring at Amina closely, the young lady finally issued a verdict:  “I can see the traces of Somaliness in you,” she told Amina. “But you are so white.” 

Amina laughed and told her that she hears that from other Somalis all the time. Once, an elderly Somali woman asked Amina’s cousins why they were hanging out with two white kids. When the elderly woman was told that Amina and her sister Zulaikha, in fact, related to the children, the Somali woman was astounded. Then, suddenly, the woman started inquiring about the clan of their white father.

“It was a bizarre encounter,” Amina said, smiling. “Many people simply want to put me in a box.”

Yusuf recalled attending a weekend Islamic school. The first day, the Egyptian teacher asked students who spoke Arabic to raise their hands. Several students did. Then the teacher turned to Yusuf and admonished him for not raising his hand. “I do not speak Arabic,” explains Yusuf. Baffled, the teacher became speechless. “I guess, she automatically assumed I was an Arab,” he says.

The half-Somali group was founded in 2008; however, it experienced an unprecedented peak in 2011 when many “halfies”—as they call themselves—joined.

The half-Somali group has interesting tales to tell—some extremely rare, others simply outrageous.

There is one rare case of a young lady who is half-Somali and half-Japanese. The Japanese, coming from a nation that is homogenous like Somalia, rarely marry outside their group. However, love, as it is popularly said, is blind. A Japanese journalist covering a story in Kenya met a Somali woman, and the two fell in love. Today, the couple’s daughter, who grew up in Japan, is also part of the half-Somali group.

Then there is the weird case of a person who tried to join the group because she was half-Somali and half-Somalilander. “It was a ludicrous attempt,” Amina Caddey notes, “to instill politics in an otherwise cultural and multi-ethnic group.” Incidentally, the residents of Somalia and Somaliland—a self-declared independent entity—are both ethnic Somalis.

A half-Somali group might appear strange to many Somalis, but its members bring a greater richness of culture and a whole new perspective to the Somali community at large. The cultural horizons have indeed expanded worldwide. It was, after all, a child with a strange name, a Kenyan father and a white mother from Kansas who became the forty-fourth president of the United States of America.   

(Reprinted with permission from Sahan Journal, December 23, 2014). 

Puntland President's Travels: An Itinerary for Change or a Waste of Time?

Almost a year has passed since the election of Abdiweli Mohamed Ali “Gaas” as President of Puntland. Many people, including this writer, welcomed his election and saw it as an opportunity to develop Puntland and make it a beacon for the rest of Somalia. Puntland, after all, has never attempted to secede from the rest of Somalia. Given his unique background as a former economics professor and prime minister, Gaas was expected to bring something new to Puntland.

In his first year, the president succeeded in initiating a five-year development plan, taxation reform, a biometric fishery database (a program that registered fishermen to distinguish them from pirates), and stronger relations with the European Union. He also clamped down on an Al-Shabaab stronghold in the Galgala Mountains, started an infrastructure projects such as improving Bossasso Port and is now in the throes of building an international airport there, established city councils in many towns, and finalized the Garowe Bilateral Accord with the Federal Government.  While one year is not sufficient time to render a verdict on Gaas, I am very concerned about one aspect of his rule: His frivolous travels and penchant for staying away from Garowe, the capital of Puntland. Gaas is constantly traveling, mostly in the region. Many times, his travels suggest he cannot wait to get out of Garowe for a change. Garowe is growing fast and booming, but it is still a provincial city.

I doubt whether Gaas has spent an entire month in Garowe since assuming office in January 2014. For a regional state president, he has embarked on several international travels. While some of these foreign travels were necessary, such as attending the Global African Investment gathering in London in October, other trips were unnecessary, and Gaas could have let other Puntland officials represent the region.

Why is President Gaas always traveling?

The official version of the Puntland Government is understandably simple: It is his job to travel. However, two Puntland intellectuals who are Gaas supporters gave me two other reasons. One told me that when Gaas is in Garowe, he is inundated with people who want to see him. “This man [Gaas] actually works better when he is away from Garowe,” the first intellectual said. The other intellectual gave a cynical answer and suggested that Garowe is, after all, the stronghold of former President Abdirahman Farole—the man Gaas defeated in the last elections—and his Ciise Maxamuud clan. “I guess, there is no love lost between Gaas and the residents of Garowe,” the man lamented.

Perhaps, a satellite presidential office in Bossasso, the largest city in Puntland, would be necessary in the future, without diluting the power of Garowe.

One major deficiency of Somali leaders is their tendency not to delegate. Unfortunately, federal and regional presidents—since Siad Barre—have become used to getting involved in trivial matters that detract from affairs of state. Tribal Elders, politicians, job seekers, and others are always trying to see the president for a favor. This system of patronage undermines the government and robs the president of valuable time doing other important things. In the case of Puntland, I can understand why Gaas is overwhelmed by people asking for favors. This is a practice Gaas has to curtail. While the president is flattered by those who seek his attention, time spent attending to these matters is time that could be devoted to many important issues such governing. Perhaps, the president could delegate this matter to his vice president, who has plenty of time at his disposal. Setting up a day of the week specifically to see foreign dignitaries, government officials, and tribal chieftains would ease the demand imposed on Gaas’ busy schedule and enable him to prioritize his tasks.

Gaas has appointed a cadre of ministers, some of whom I believe are capable of doing excellent jobs. Unfortunately, they appear to have been marginalized by the president’s imposing and looming presence. Many of the projects Gaas has attended, accompanied inevitably by media fanfare, could be opened and introduced by his ministers. In other words, Gaas does not have to be present at many of the projects being launched in the region. A benefit of delegating officials to be on the front is that it would give them incentives to do more and feel that they are all part of a team working for the common good. It would also be in the interest of a fair division of labor. Perhaps, a less obvious reason for Gaas not to occupy the limelight all the time is the danger of over-exposure—a cruel reality in politics. The public is unforgiving when it is tired of a politician who is always in the news.

Another mindboggling phenomenon in Puntland is the big crowd of VIPs that always arrives at the Garowe Airport when the president returns from his trips. Dignitaries in waiting include the vice president, ministers, deputy ministers, tribal chieftains, and students carrying boards and pictures of the president. Is this really necessary? Why are all these ministers at the airport welcoming the president when they should be at their desks working?  This is a tradition Gaas needs to stop because it is a waste of resources and an exercise in futility. Governance is work and accomplishment, whereas political campaigning involves fanfare and constant exposure.

Finally, the new President of Afghanistan, Ashraf Ghani, deserves to be acknowledgement as a leader of a failed state that is in the process of recovery. Ghani is co-author of Fixing Failed States (2009), a book that provides a practical guide to the reconstruction of post-conflict countries. In his first month in office, Ghani instituted new changes in his administration. He set a one-hour time limit on cabinet meetings, and even once refused his powerful interior minister admission to a meeting because he was a few minutes late. Ghani abolished lavish dinners at the presidential palace, saying that official meetings were purely for business, not pleasure.  He travels in the capital, Kabul, with a few cars so as not to create traffic gridlock. He allows officials to give public reports by allowing each one to speak for five minutes. Importantly, he has stated, “We will create a scorecard of our promises and report back on their delivery systematically.”  These reforms have rattled many in Afghanistan, who were used to doing business as usual. Gaas, like Ghani, is a former professor who can do the same by introducing an efficient, inclusive, accountable, and gender-sensitive government. Gaas is a different breed of leader in Somalia because of his unique educational background and work experience. He should lead better and be innovative. The first step, perhaps, is eliminating his frivolous trips that cost the regional government badly needed resources.