“The [Somali] people and the [Islamic] religion will be protected from people like you,” the caller said.
Omar-Dahir instantly knew that the caller was a member of the radical group and Al-Qaeda affiliate, Al Shabab. The group is known for making such ominous and mysterious calls. He was being threatened, and he got the message immediately. Life has not been the same since. Omar-Dahir, like any Somali politician closely allied with the government, is today actively being pursued by the Al Shabab. He is on constant guard, and rarely goes to his home for fear the Al Shabab assassins might flay him alive.
“When you regularly take a public swipe at the Al Shabab in Mogadishu,” explains Omar-Dahir. “Two things are certain to happen-- threats and murder, and not necessarily in that order.”
The Somali government and the African Union forces are currently fighting the militant Al Shabab militia in the old fashion way-- bullet by bullet. But Omar-Dahir has also been in war of words with the group. It is not clear where his campaign against the Al Shabab begins and where his political ambitions and agenda end.
Omar-Dahir is a no ordinary rival of the Al Shabab; he is a graduate of the Islamic University in Medina, Saudi Arabia, and personally knows the top leaders of Al Shabab. They were once active members of the Islamic Courts Union which briefly ruled Mogadishu in 2006.
“Once upon a time, they were my friends,” Omar-Dahir laments.
The word “they” here is not a generic term, instead, the pronoun specifically stands for Ahmed Godane, the co- founder and current commander of the Al Shabab, and his top lieutenant, Ibrahim Afghani. These two are individuals, who originally hailed from Somaliland, and Washington has recently placed a bounty of $7 million and $5 million, respectively, on their heads.
Omar-Dahir has a grudging respect for his old friend, Godane, and now his new nemesis. Nevertheless, he still wants to bring the fugitive to justice.
“He is much smarter than most people give him credit for,” says Omar-Dahir about the Al Shabab leader. “Come on, the guy has done some graduate work in Pakistan, and speaks Somali, Arabic, and English fluently.” But behind this veneer of education, according to Omar-Dahir, lies a dangerous, criminally-sophisticated, and disturbed man, with a long list of woes, issues, and diabolical goals.
“I can tell you that both Godane and Ibrahim Afghani do not want peace or reconciliation,” attests Omar-Dahir. “All they want is the establishment of an Islamic state as they narrowly define it.”
Omar-Dahir remembers Godane and his cohorts during the Islamic Courts Union’s rule when they were actively and secretly arming and organizing themselves. When the Courts were wiped out by the Ethiopian forces, Godane’s Al Shabab militants got their opportunity and declared themselves to be Jihadists a la Al- Qaeda fashion
Omar-Dahir is a medium-height, soft-spoken man in his early fifties. He speaks as though he is weighing every word that he utters. “I sat in front of Godane and Ibrahim Afghani as I am sitting in front of you,” he said as he slumped back into his chair. “They see the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) and anybody who does not agree with them as ‘Kuffar’ (infidels).” Infidels, according to the two, deserve to be killed.
Calls for political reconciliation with Al Shabab irk Omar-Dahir. He does not understand why some Somali politicians and pundits circulate such an “asinine” idea. “These radicals want the elimination of the government. Period,” he asserts. They do not want peace. “How can you negotiate with a group of killers who want to get rid of you in the first place?”
Omar-Dahir sees no moderates in the ranks of Al Shabab. However, radicals such as Hassan Dahir Aweys and Mukhtar Robow are not as powerful as people think, believes Omar-Dahir. Not mincing words, he explains: “In fact, both Aweys and Robow are afraid of Godane so much that they cannot do anything without his approval.” Moreover, Aweys and Robow share the same ideology, are not much different than Godane and Afghani, and view any negotiations with the government with sheer contempt. In addition, the two leaders are afraid of the “Amniyaat”, a secretive intelligence and assassination unit of the Al Shabab that is under the control of Godane.
Several months ago, Sheikh Aweys publicly stated that waging Jihad was not the monopoly of one group, (i.e. Al Shabab) and that anyone could undertake it. Aweys’ speech earned a verbal lashing from Godane and other Al Shabab officers. Aweys’ fatwa was neither accepted by the radical group nor even debated. It was just summarily rejected out of hand.
Omar-Dahir and four volunteers run the Center for Moderation and Dialogue which is now engaged in a propaganda war with the Al Shabab. They are all volunteers, Dahir says, and hence receive no salaries and funding from any source.
“No help from the Somali government, or the Saudis, or the Americans?”
“Not really,” Omar-Dahir replied.
Omar-Dahir claims that he is committed to exposing what he calls “the carefully-constructed charade” of the Al Shabab. He goes to the radio stations, and talks to whoever will listen to him about the clear and present danger the Al Shabab group poses for Somali youth and children. Volunteers at the Center give interviews to local media, lecture at mosques, and public gatherings. The Center also publishes booklets, leaflets, and pamphlets. Omar-Dahir also trains Somali imams and journalists about the language Al Shabab leaders use, and how to decipher their doubletalk. “Some of the imams do not know such concepts as “at-Tasamux” (tolerance) “al-Ghuluwi” (extremism), so I teach them in order to refute the Al Shabab, “says Omar-Dahir.
Omar-Dahir acknowledges that reporters for the government-run Radio Mogadishu are the most courageous in the fight against the Al Shabab. “Some of these brave reporters, males and females, haven’t even left the station since 2009 because they are wanted by the Al Shabab,” says Omar-Dahir. “They sleep at the station and still carry on their coverage of the Al Shabab.” Omar-Dahir has found great solace and support in these journalists who, like him, are not afraid to call a spade a spade.
Radio Mogadishu does have its limitations; however. It is a FM station that does not reach beyond Mogadishu. The Al Shabab group is strong in areas outside Mogadishu, according to Omar-Dahir, where Radio Mogadishu cannot reach any audiences, and where no middle class, intellectuals, learned people, and strong institutions exist, and the level of Islamic awareness is weak. Most of Al Shabab recruits come from small villages and rural areas where the radical group controls the terrain and thinking. “Mogadishu has not been kind to the Al Shabab, when it comes to recruiting,” boasts Omar-Dahir. “What is badly needed is a shortwave radio with a long reach,” says Omar-Dahir.
The Al Shabab offer a four-month intensive religious training to their clerics, Omar-Dahir adds. He warns too that the group has been effective in brainwashing young recruits, and then controlling every aspect of their lives. Recruits, adds Omar-Dahir, are also offered incentives such as marriage. Parents, in areas under the control of the group, are pressured to give away their daughters to “Al Shabab mujahidin fighting for the cause of Islam.”
Omar-Dahir is still optimistic that the propaganda war against the Al Shabab will be won eventually. It is a war of attrition, Omar-Dahir says, that will last until Somalia gets stronger institutions, better radio stations and TV, and lasting peace and stability. “It is challenging to fight a radical group that regularly uses Facebook and Twitter,” explains Omar-Dahir with a calm brave earnestness. “The militant group also controls radio stations, such as HornAfrik, Somaliweyn, Furqan, and Andalusia.”
“We are still far behind in fully utilizing the mass media and social networking,” Omar-Dahir admits. “But we will win the war because the Al Shabab group is living on borrowed time.”
Omar-Dahir’s optimism is tempered by the bleak reality that the Al Shabab, though battered now, is still alive, and does control a large swath of land in Southern Somalia.
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