1. Size: This is the smallest Somali cabinet in history at only 10 members. This is a lean cabinet, perhaps even a malnourished body. President Hassan Sh. Mohamoud was right when he said that many clans may not see themselves represented in it. The previous bloated cabinet ministries were, however, manifestations of tribal representation with no actual power. They gave false hope to many that they were indeed actual wielders of power when in fact many were names on paper. The government ministries at times did not even have buildings and staff. This new cabinet represents a change in terms of both numeric composition and a consolidation of various portfolios into a single grouping. For instance, combining finance and planning is a smart move. Yet such consolidation also creates problems, for example, blurring certain responsibilities. For instance, education and health both fall under the Ministry of Social Services. Somalia needs two separate cabinets for education and health at this juncture of rebuilding.
2. Women Representation: Two women have been appointed to the new cabinet, and both have two major portfolios in foreign affairs and social services. The latter ministry is more important than the former due to the major tasks of reconstruction that still lie ahead. Prime Minister Shirdon has made history by appointing Fowsiya Yusuf Haji Adan as Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs. This is the first time that a woman has been selected either as Deputy Prime Minister or Foreign Minister. Having 20% female representation in the cabinet is also a step forward because women now occupy two crucial ministries and hence are not merely token representatives to the political process.
3. Dearth of Experience: One glaring flaw in this new cabinet is the absence of government experience for the appointed ministries. Three cabinet ministers have but a six-month experience under the short-lived government of Prime Minister Mohamed Farmajo (Abyan, Maryan, and Fiqi). The rest are newcomers. Having such inexperienced government officials at the helm has been the mainstay of President Mohamoud’s administration. The president and the prime minister are novice at running the country, and this new cabinet is no different. Somehow, President Mohamoud seems to favor newcomers, perhaps they are more likely not to pose any threat to him.
4. One Brand of Islamists: Unlike former President, Shaikh Sharif Ahmed, who always made sure to appoint various Islamists to his administration, Mohamoud gave cabinet posts only to his group, Damul Jadid (New Blood). Abdikarim Hussein Guled (Interior and National Security) and Abdullahi Abyan Nur (Justice and Religion) are members of the president’s Islamist group. Maryan Qassim (Social Services) is an Islamist from al-Islah, Somalia’s branch of International Muslim Brotherhood. Oddly, there is no cabinet minister from either al-Ictissam (Salafi) or Tajamuc (Ala Shaikh), two major Islamic movements. Muhyidin Mohamed Kaalmooy (Public Works and Reconstruction) is said to be an Islamist close to the New Blood. In essence, if the new cabinet is approved, President Mohamoud’s Islamist ministers will be in charge of the country’s education, higher education, culture, health, police force, national security, public works, reconstruction, justice, family and religious affairs.
5. An Olive Branch for Farmajo: The former PM did not gain the premiership job under President Mohamoud, but three members of his former cabinet and his Tayo Party are now well represented in the new cabinet. Maryan Qassim, the Chair of the Tayo Party, is now an appointed minister. None of Abdiweli’s cabinet made it to the new cabinet, however.
6. North Marginalized: Sure, the new appointed Foreign Minister does hail from the north, but she is anything but a unionist. Fowsiya Yusuf H. Adan in the past ran for the Presidency of Somaliland and lost. She formed the Peace, Democracy and Prosperity Party, which was later disqualified. Fowsiya has no history of clearly championing the unity of Somalia. To the contrary, she has favored the secession of Somaliland. Why would President Mohamoud agree on the appointment of someone, like Fowsiya, as Somalia’s Foreign Minister who once campaigned for becoming the president of Somaliland in his own government? What went wrong? Fowsiya is a friend of President Mohamoud and worked with him when he was establishing his educational institute in Hargeisa. In fairness, she also worked in the Somali embassies in Washington and Eastern Europe, but not as an ambassador. Professor Ahmed Ismail Samatar and Dr. Ali Essa, two northerners, may have been suitable for the post than Fowsiya, and both do have a record of championing Somali unity.
7. The President as the PM: The new cabinet is the work of President Mohamoud, not Prime Minister Shirdon. The president wanted a 9-member cabinet, and Shirdon wanted 14 or more. The president insisted on lean cabinet, and he got what he wanted. He is micromanaging the running of the country and overstepping his functions. Why this president encroaching on functions and grabbing the powers of the prime minister is not difficult to decipher. Mohamoud simply wants to run the government from Villa Somalia. Even after Shirdon’s approval by parliament, it the president who meets foreign dignitaries and the PM is neither seen nor heard.
The new cabinet, of course, will be approved by parliament. The Somali legislators are going to give the president and his prime minister the chance to rule. The likelihood of Mohamoud’s government being successful hinges on his future willingness to work with people who are neither his friends nor his ideological allies. If President Mohamoud keeps on conducting business as he does now, his administration will be the continuation of another sad chapter of the recent Somali governments.
No comments:
Post a Comment