Perpetual Conflict: Why the Discord Between the Somali President and Prime Minister Continues

The recent conflict between President Hassan S. Mohamoud and Prime Minister Abdiweli Ahmed has caused a gridlock in government operation. The prime minister did a limited and pointed reshuffle, which involved only two cabinet ministers. The problem with this new change was that it involved two close friends and allies of the president. The president, sensing a declaration of war by the premier, issued a decree rescinding the reshuffle. Some politicians and the UN Special Representative to Somalia, Nicolas Kay, have made many attempts to mediate in the conflict between the president and the prime minister, but to no avail.  

The Somali Parliament convened twice after more than 100 legislators attempted to introduce a motion of no confidence in the prime minister. Supporters of the prime minister interrupted these sessions and they were adjourned. Interestingly, Nicholas Kay recently warned Somali legislators against accepting bribes to vote Prime Minister Ahmed out of office, an admonishment that enraged some parliamentarians but was well-received by others for its frankness on the state of malfeasance in Somali politics.

Is the conflict between the president and the prime minister due to ambiguities in the provisional constitution?

While the provisional constitution needs some heavy-duty amendments, it is not the reason why the country’s two top leaders are at loggerheads. Furthermore, the constitution states that the prime minister has the power to “appoint and dismiss members of the Council of Ministers.” The president, in essence, has no business interfering how the prime minister runs the council of ministers so long the premier does not violate the constitution.

This endemic conflict between the president and the prime minister is nothing new. Since 2000, the last four presidents of the country have had major problems with their prime ministers. Ironically, with the exception of President Abdullahi Yusuf, each president had three prime ministers in their respective single terms. President Yusuf’s term was unique because he had no control over Mogadishu more than half of his term as his government was initially based in Nairobi, Kenya, and later the Somali towns of Jowhar and Baidoa respectively.

Of the 10 prime ministers the country has had since 2000, only two were not dismissed (Mohamed Abdi Yusuf and Abdiweli Gaas). Oddly, these two left office after a year because the tenure of their respective governments ended. However, the relationship, for instance, between Gaas and President Shaikh Sharif in the final several months of their term was marred by dysfunction, political competition, and mistrust.

The average Somali prime minister stays in office about 1.3 years. The only one who stayed three years in office was Mohamed Ali Ghedi, under President Yusuf.  President Yusuf’s other premier, Nur Hassan Hussein “Nur Adde,” lasted 2.3 years, a tenure so acrimonious that it finally led to the president’s eventual retirement.

Six prime ministers stayed in office an average of 1.1 years, and one (Mohamed Farmajo) only about seven months. Hassan Abshir and Nur Adde were the only ones who stayed about two years and 2.3 years respectively.

Interestingly, all these prime ministers universally complained about the head of the state trampling on the constitution and, hence, acting as imperial president. The presidents, in turn, questioned the prime ministers’ intransigence and tendency to act on their own. Many times, the sitting parliament became a tool for the sitting president.

Somali President Hassan Mohamoud (l) and PM Abdiweli Ahmed

The conflicts between Somali presidents and their premiers cannot be contributed simply to ambiguities in the constitution or a clash of personalities. The causes lie deeper than that and can be partially explained by the following:

1.       There is the Siad Barre syndrome. Every Somali president wants to be like the late dictator who ruled Somalia for 21 years. The Somali word for president “Madax-Weyne” (The Big-headed) semantically does not help the psychology of the country’s leader very much. Furthermore, the current system is confusing. For instance, according to the constitution, the president, as head of the state, appoints the prime minister, the head of the government, but he cannot dismiss him; only the parliament can. The prime minister is in charge of the Council of Ministers and, hence, the day-to-day operation of the government.  While the current president presumably understands his constitutional powers and limitations, he has been accused of usurping the prime minister’s powers by acting as both the president and prime minister. For the two years he has been in power, President Mohamoud has had two prime ministers he himself carefully and diligently selected.  Comprehending the constitution is one thing, but abiding by it is another. Prime Minister Abdiweli himself braced for confrontation from day one. According to a source close to the prime minister, Abdiweli told some of his supporters that he would “fight” the president and would never be like his predecessor, Abdi Shirdon. At least the prime minister has kept his promise because his working relationship with the president has been marred by discord and open hostility. 

2.      It is ironic that Somalia has neither an effective parliament nor the existence of a judiciary. Since its election in 2012, the parliament has yet to legislate a single law. In addition, according to two legislators who talked to this writer, the going rate for buying a parliamentary vote is an astounding $1,000 and very few get a maximum of $2,000. The executive branch is mostly the one that buys parliamentary votes to further its agenda. The Parliament is the authority that is supposed to check and balance the executive, but it instead has become an appendage of the former. The biggest reason legislators want to vote out the current prime minister is the absence of they called “wada-shaqeyn” (working together) between the president and the prime minister. “The prime minister must go,” one parliamentarian told VOA, “simply because he cannot work with the president.”   

3.      The power structure in the country is based on an unwritten understanding between the bigger clans.  For instance, the president and prime minister come from the two largest clans in the country, the Hawiye and the Darod. Being a member of these two clans is not in itself enough for being a president or prime minister; one has to come from the two largest sub-clans of each of these two big clans (Abgaal or Habar Gidir for the Hawiye and Marehan or Majertein for the Darod).  Somali politics was referred to, in humorous vein by one politician, as an everlasting struggle between Tom and Jerry, the famous cartoon characters. The two clans are constantly chasing each other and trying to outdo each other. What this division of power creates is layers of various constituents and divided loyalties for either the president or the premier. Many times, the interest of one clan group may overlap the interest of the country. For the current administration, the general elections scheduled for 2016 are creating panic and a rush to win over new supporters among the myriad clans.  It won’t come a surprise if President Mohamoud appoints a new Majertein premier (a sub-clan of the Darod) because his first two premiers were Marehan, another sub-clan of the Darod.

The conflicts between Somali presidents and their prime ministers are unlikely to change until there are viable and effective branches of the government, such as the legislature and the judiciary which can serve as check and balance for the executive branch. Otherwise, there is nothing much a new prime minister can do. Last year this time and shortly before the selection of the current prime minister, Professor Afyare Abdi Elmi astutely tweeted.  “I do not know who the next PM of Somalia will be, but I am not sure what he can really do—we need to think of a long-term solution.”

That is unlikely to happen before 2016.

(Reprinted with permission from African Arguments, November 21, 2014).

Is This Husband A Whiner?

Several years ago, a couple asked me to mediate between them. They were having a rocky relationship and I agreed to listen to them. Oddly, the wife did not say anything except to call her husband a “whiner.” The husband, however, wanted to talk. He was, after all, the one pushing for the mediation. Here is his story: 

My wife is just like a cult leader. She controls our family and hates to be questioned or second-guessed.

When I married her six years ago, she was a wonderful woman, kind, funny, smart, and a good parent. Today, I can safely say that I am married to a narcissistic, self-absorbed, control freak, and an abusive woman. At the beginning of our relationship, I was enamored with my wife and so never saw the ‘real’ her. She presented a fake personality to me, not her true nature. Or perhaps, I was blinded by my love and my strong attraction to her. In short, I was a fool and now I am paying the price. My marriage is in name only. I am married legally, but in reality, I live the life of a single man.

My first shock was finding out how selfish my wife is. Everything is about what she wants. My wife, my four step-children, ages 18, 19, 20, and 22, and I live together in a big house. My wife and I both work, and the children attend school. We have a spacious living room with a big TV screen. I am opposed to having TVs in the bedrooms. However, the television is totally controlled by my wife. Before my marriage, I had always enjoyed watching sports on ESPN, my favorite channel. The children also have their favorite programs. However, every time my wife walks into the living room, we all know what will happen next. “Who is watching this dumb program?” are the first words out of her mouth. Then, she grabs the remote control and switches the television to the channel she likes. Her selfishness bothers me a great deal, and I have told her how I feel, but to no avail. Simply put, my wife does not care what anybody else wants to watch.

Let me move to more serious grievances.

My wife chooses when we will be intimate. For instance, she has unilaterally decided that there will be no sex on the weekdays. She works Monday to Friday. The weekends are the only time she is willing to play. If I approach her on a weekday, I am rebuffed and told, “Didn’t I tell you nothing happens until the weekend?” She almost growls her directive at me. There are many weekends when nothing happens.  She wakes up early in the morning and goes straight to the living room. These are the days that she deliberately avoids me. In essence, even weekends are not a safe bet.  Now, how can I say I have a normal marriage when my sex life is regimented and solely dependent on my wife’s designated schedule? I have lost interest in intimacy due to my frustrations. In truth, I no longer find my wife physically attractive. Don’t blame me, please. Sex is not just physical; it is also an emotional bonding. I don’t have that anymore. The next thing you will hear from me is that I have become a monk.

I am just a trophy husband. My wife works hard to show the world we have a perfect marriage, and tells her relatives our relationship is solid. Furthermore, she has told mutual friends of her ex-husband that she is happier now and merrier. Ironically, her ex had the same issues I am currently experiencing. I have been feigning for her relatives that we are a loving, caring couple. What am I going to tell people? Am I going to say I am miserable and unhappy? No, I can’t do that. We attend family functions together and need to present an image of a strong and united married team, a picture perfect family!

My wife always wants to have the last word. She argues with me, and then suddenly she becomes verbally abusive. She is very strict with the children and I disagree with her often. She tells the children what to do, who to befriend, and how they must communicate with their biological father. She gets upset if they spend time with their father without her knowledge. When they do visit him occasionally and come back, she will not go to sleep until she debriefs them thoroughly.  Ironically, all the children are now adults and should be able to lead their own lives.

If the children and I voice our opinions, we come under withering attack. I have been called—yes, right in front of the children—all kinds of names: “a moron” “an asshole” “stupid” “sociopath” and “psycho.” I have heard my wife berate our children and scream at them simply for doing things she disliked or expressing opinions she disagreed with. As a result, the children are terrified of her, and some have actually started to conceal their plans from her. I talked to my wife about this issue, but she only reprimands me and berates me for “causing trouble between her and her children.” Her mantra is, “Mind your own business.”

I always believed that your spouse was supposed to be the most important person in your life, not the least important. I also thought that spouses should never take each other for granted. I was taken in by my beliefs and my emotions. My wife marginalizes me, mistreats me, and only wants to control me. I am now aware of her evil machinations. I refuse to be a trophy husband, a marginal spouse, and someone only taken for granted. I want to spend the last minutes, hours, days, weeks, months, and years of my life in a peaceful, loving, caring and fruitful environment. Call me a whiner if you want, but even if I am, I have many good reasons for whining.

***

After the husband finished talking, I asked the wife what she thought of his grievances. She kept quiet for a bit and then wept. “I have never put myself in his shoes,” she admitted. “I have to do something different before I lose both my husband and my children.”