This week, Somalia elected a new president, Mohamed Abdullahi “Farmajo,”
an event that marked the second time in recent history an incumbent president
lost the election. It happened in 2012 and again in 2017, just like Donald
Trump’s surprise win, Farmajo’s election was unexpected, and it upended my
prediction that the incumbent, Hassan S. Mohamoud (HSM), would be returned to
power.
Mohamoud’s defeat was actually a blessing; the man was corrupt and
incompetent. Moreover, HSM and his Dammul Jadid coterie of followers, grabbed
more power than they could handle, and they will not be missed.
Now the new president has his hands full. He inherits a government
that has plundered public funds, failed to pay the salaries of civil servants
and the army, and was unable to maintain security.
Farmajo is a politician with a clean slate. He was prime minister
in 2010 for eight months. Prior to that, he had a few years’ experience in the
Foreign Service and then spent some time working for the State of New York in
Buffalo as a housing specialist. His eight months as prime minister were
neither remarkable nor disastrous. He was forced out of office after clashing
with the then Speaker, Sharif Hassan. In short, Farmajo was outwitted and
outmaneuvered by the Speaker until he was forced out of office.
Scattered protests supporting Farmajo, the beleaguered premier, were
held in Mogadishu, but he opted to resign. According to some reports, the
Ugandan President, Yuweri Moseveni, whose soldiers were protecting the Somali leaders
in Mogadishu, told Farmajo the African soldiers would not guarantee his safety if
he stayed in office. Unfortunately, some Somalis viewed his resignation in a decidedly
negative light and branded him a quitter.
Farmajo fared poorly in the 2012 presidential elections failing to
garner enough votes even from his clansmen. In fact, it was the newcomer, HSM, who
stole the limelight, thrashing Sharif Ahmed, who was expected to win the
election. Farmajo was still coming to terms with his crushing loss when he
decided to return to his old desk job in Buffalo. His political career briefly stagnated
and he took stock of his political future.
Farmajo’s comeback is a testament to his doggedness and commitment
to redeem himself. Now he has been given a second chance in Villa Somalia, the
seat of the government. He is enjoying remarkable support in the streets of
Mogadishu, where he remains popular. Somalis have a history of lionizing their
new presidents initially, and later vilifying them for poor performance.
Farmajo is unlikely to be an exception. The pervasive euphoria in the streets
of Mogadishu today will be numbered as Farmajo delves into the perilous task of
governing a failed state.
There is a good chance that Farmajo will attempt to drain the swamp
in Mogadishu and restore clean, transparent governance. He is uniquely
qualified to start a reconciliation process as he is remarkably popular in the
south, where his wife, Seynab Abdi Moalim Abdalla, hails from. Farmajo’s detractors
are concerned he is a populist, an incorrigible showman who sometimes resorts
to hyperbolic language. He is at best a “nice” politician, they say, in a
rather cutthroat profession. His detractors see him a man who lacks substance,
but he now has the perfect opportunity to prove them wrong. His supporters
regard him as an interesting leader with tremendous positive energy; a man of
the people, by the people, and for the people.
It is not clear how Jubbaland and Puntland would react to
Farmajo’s presidency. Puntland is led by Abdiweli Gass, an old nemesis of
Farmajo, who gave Gass a cabinet portfolio only to see the latter replace his
boss as premier. The relationship was never the same afterwards as it plummeted
to new depths. The once good friends back in Buffalo are no longer on speaking
terms. Hopefully, they will set aside their personal and political animus and
work toward the welfare of the country.
Jubbaland’s case is different and murkier because that region has
been a political battleground between the Ogaden clan and Marehan, Farmajo’s
clan. Clan politics in Somalia have a way of keeping national leaders on a
downward trajectory.
1.
Appoint a competent
prime minister who will name equally qualified cabinet members. It is time for
Somalia to have experienced, honest, and nationalist ministers whose loyalty is
primarily to the motherland. The last government was stacked with many
incompetent, baby-faced, ideological allies of the president. It was an administration
that helped its employees replenish their resumes, but who accomplished little.
2.
Ensure that women become
an integral part of the government’s leadership. No more tokenism and no more
traditional leaders usurping the right of women to participate, lead, and
participate in the decision making process.
3.
Appoint an independent
commission to investigate past corruption cases and possible graft allegations
in the government. This commission, given full authority, would restore hope in
the people’s confidence in the government and eradicate Somalia’s reputation as
the most corrupt country in the world.
4.
Complete the work that
has started in reviewing and amending the provisional constitution, a document
HSM ignored and trampled on. Farmajo can help in making the country one in
which the rule of law is respected and enforced.
5.
Work on the
reconciliation process to unite Somalis and restore peace amongst them. This
can be done partly by establishing a truth and reconciliation commission, as South
Africa did. It is time for Somalis to talk openly about their grievances, the
return of lost properties, and past wrongdoings, and engage in genuine
confidence building. Only then can the country move forward.
6.
Farmajo should work hand
in hand with legislators to form an independent judiciary. The judicial branch
will check and balance the powers of the executive and the legislature. It must
have its own funds to operate in order to avoid the current system in which
justice is for sale.
7.
Somalia must strengthen
its army, pay its soldiers timeously, and slowly but gradually replace the
22,000 African troops in Mogadishu. It is embarrassing that foreign troops have
to protect the Somali president.
8.
Al-Shabaab terrorists
are still a threat to the country and must be fought relentlessly. First,
Farmajo must have a strategy to combat terror. A campaign to clean up the
police and intelligence forces of militant sympathizers is paramount. Second, the
militant group is present in the capital and enjoys the support of certain
business conglomerates. This group runs a sophisticated network that is
involved in extortion and racketeering. There are those in Mogadishu who harbor
al-Shabaab militants because they are “their sons.” This culture of complicity
and duplicity will take some time to eradicate. The Al-Shabaab group still
collects a percentage of the salaries of government employees, who hand over
the money for fear of being assassinated. The same is true of small and big
businesses that pay money monthly.
9.
Engage with the Somalis
in the diaspora because they are an asset to the country. Over two million
Somalis live abroad. Tap into these talents, investments, and advance their
involvement in the country’s affairs.
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