I have a confession to make: I am
a southerner and a card-carrying “Wallaweyn” man. Incidentally, Wallaweyn is a
small town in southern Somalia. I was born in Afgooye (not far from Wallaweyn) and,
since immediately after my birth and until age 18, I grew up in Mogadishu. Despite
my strong credentials as Wallaweyn, I also have connections in the north,
mostly through blood ties. In the 1960s, one of my sisters married a northerner
(Ciise Muuse), a union that produced two children. A cousin also married another
northerner (Sacad Muuse-Jibril Abokor), and that couple had several children. Most
of my teachers in school were northerners. If you kindly think my English is good,
all the credit is due to my northerner teachers. My grandparents hail from the
north: my grandmother from Sool and my great grandparents from the Sanaag
(Maakhir) region. This dizzying web of lineage for a Wallaweyn man like me is
not unique; many Somalis are, after all, inter-related.
You may ask, Okay, what is the point? What are you trying to
say?
Relax, I am doing what
Somalilanders call “gogol-xaadh”
(introduction) because this piece will infuriate some and delight others. It
will annoy some because I will be called a “Somaliland hater” or a “Wallaweyn
whiner.” Others may approve of this
piece because, as unionists, they will be delighted by the thrashing of
Somaliland secessionists. Others might see it as a humorous attempt to toy with
that dreadful and suffocating thing called “political correctness.” Are we
clear now? No hard feelings.
The theme of this article can be
summarized in one sentence: I like Somaliland politics. I never get bored with it
because it is intriguing and lively. The north and the south share these common
features: a) a dominant tribe is in power in both regions, b) there is a certain
level of corruption in each, with the south being the greater den of thieves,
and c) each regime marginalizes its opponents. However, the north enjoys relative
peace and safety. Unlike the south, politicians in the north are not
assassinated if they oppose the policies of the government. In Mogadishu, one
member of the parliament was recently killed in a mysterious car bombing
immediately after leaving the presidential compound. That happens only in
Mogadishu.
Politicians lie, but some shamelessly offend our intelligence.
Recently, a brave and competent
Somali journalist from the Somali Channel in the U.K interviewed the interior
minister of Somaliland, Mohamed Ali “Waran-Cadde” (The White-speared). The
interview was a classic example of how to dodge, lie, misinform, and mock. The
minister said that Somaliland was a British protectorate and had a special
relationship with Britain based on respect and cooperation. While the British ruled Somaliland indirectly
and were not as brutal as the Italians in the south, the territory was still administered
by the Colonial Office in London. The protectorate, after all, was established
to supply meat to the British garrison in Aden. Britain did not help the
territory develop or build infrastructure.
Waran-Cadde was asked about the
rumors of his government hiring white mercenaries to protect potential oil
fields. He curtly denied them and made it clear that his government will hire
neither white mercenaries nor black ones. Then, in reference to the African Union
forces in the south, Waran-Cadde called them “sanweyne” (big nose). This denigration of fellow African Union
forces that are helping the country get rid of terrorists reveals ignorance and
arrogance.
Waran-Cadde, in a boldface lie, denied
that his government had any shortcomings. He said that the government did not
deny the head of the UCID opposition party permission to hold a public demonstration
in the town of Gabiley. In fact, the government insisted on the event taking
place in the office of UCID rather than outside. Furthermore, Waran-Cadde
discounted that a major clan in Somaliland dominates—by design— key positions,
including the presidency, interior,
foreign affairs, and finance ministries, chairmanship of opposition parties, and
the airport and port administrations.
Recently, Waran- Cadde’s security
forces arrested three Somali federal government officials at Hargeisa airport.
These officials had attended the Turkish-sponsored bilateral talks between
Somaliland and Somalia that were held in Istanbul. “Here in Somaliland, [we]
enacted anti-federal government legislation and they knew our response; henceforth,
we would bring those people to justice,” declared Waran-Cadde. “They traveled
by plane from Mogadishu to Hargeisa and they weren’t transit passengers,” he
added. It was only last November when Waran-Cadde, in a press conference, named
the Somali government enemy number one of Somaliland.
Waran-Cadde has also denied that
Somaliland receives foreign aid. This is a strange statement from a government
official since his entire security forces get their salaries from the UNDP.
Somaliland has also received $3 million from UK Aid in the last year. This
assistance, which was earmarked for the pacification of the Sool and Buuhoodle
regions, was misspent as is most of the aid given to any part of Somalia.
Faisal Ali Waraabe, chairman of UCID, has called the ruling clique in
Somaliland a bunch of looters and demagogues who muzzle the independent media
like Universal TV and fleece national resources. He compared the current regime
in Somaliland to the Siad Barre government. “Somaliland is for sale,” he
lamented.
Waran-Cadde is a flamboyant
politician who has changed political parties as often as one changes clothes.
He has, in his home, what defies logic: seven wild lions. Several years ago,
one of them got loose in Hargeisa and killed a girl. He has failed to justify
why he keeps dangerous wild animals in the city or whether keeping such animals
in an urban setting is legal.
Recently, a spat erupted between Fadumo
Siciid of the UCID party and Amina Mohamoud Diriye, a deputy minister. Ms. Siciid
held a press conference in which she lashed out at Ms. Diriye. Ms. Siciid was
barred from entering Gabiley by the current administration. This war of words
might seem trivial to many, but in reality it is an indication of relative freedom
of speech in Somaliland. The role of northerner women in politics is more
vibrant than that of their sisters in the south.
The current Somaliland administration
has a history of marginalizing the opposition parties and deliberately creating
discord in their ranks. Funds allocated for the opposition are given to them at
one time and denied at another. Opposition figures are also deprived of access
to the national mass media. Waran-Cadde, of course, reassured the Somali Channel
viewers that he would look into the matter.
Let us hope for that.
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